By Ahmed Khalif | September 15, 2015 |  The Puntland President Abdiwali Gas once, in the run up to the Puntland presidency election, likened Puntland to “unlucky but beautiful bride who unfortunately always gives her hand to wretched drunkard old men who don’t deserve her marriage.” Mr. Gas said he meant by this, that none of the former presidents had honestly served or at least honored the expectations of the people of Puntland. If that is what Mr. Gas meant, then there is no time than now that this analogy could be more obvious. In his terminology, the poor Puntland ‘bride’ has become hopeless when she cast her lot with him. The unlucky ‘bride’ is, in his hand, at its worst state in every aspect – security, economy, politics, etc. since its inception seventeen years ago. This fits to the proverbial pot that called the kettle black.

.

Muqdisho | September 21, 2015 | Aan ku bilaabo, Magagaca illaahayga weyn ee naxriista,naxariista guud iyo tan gaarka ahba.

Aan soo dhaweysto qalinka iyo dawaadda bal aan isku dayo in yar inaan wax ka idhaahdoqayladan daalluuntay ee ayaamahan ku wajahan Haamaha shidaalka lagu keydiyo ee ku yaalla magaalada Berbera.

Bal horta intaanan u gelin mawduucayga dhabta ah ee aan rabo in aan ka hadlo bal aan dib ugu yara noqonno taariikhdeennii hore,aan ka soo bilowno markii aynnu calanka qaadannay 1960,walaalayaal maalmuhu waxay isu bedelayaan oo taariikhdu u soconaysaa in aan wax ka baranno oo waayo arragnimo aan ka qaadanno waxyaabaha dhacayana aan cibro ka helno.

Illaahay innaguma dhibin wax dhiig ahani innagama daadan si dhib yar ayaa Gumaystihii Ingriisku innoo siiyay callankeennii,marka gumaysi la yidhaahdo eela bar-bar dhigo dawladaha kale ee Afrikaanka ah ee la gumaystay aad ayaan uga sahlanayn qaab gumaysiga xataa marka lagu daro Soomalida koonfureed ee aan la midownnay.

     Sidaan wada ogsoonahay wax la galay oo heshiis ihi ma jirin ama qoraal ha noqdo ama baallan kaleba ha noqdee,labadaas dawladood ee isu tegay maraad eegatana labada dhanba waxaa hormuud ka ahaa dadkii uu gumaystihii aan dirnnay innagaga tegay, si kale haddii aan u idhaahdo wax badan ismay dhaamin sababta oo ah iyaga iyo kuwii tegey isku hal buug ayay siteen oo innagu maamulayeen ,waxay sameeyeen Barlamaan Dastuur kii gumaysiga laga soo dheegay ayuunbaa la dhigay, Manahajkii iskuuladii aan dhisannay ama kuwii hore ujirayba carruurta wax lagu barayay wuxuu ahaa manhajkii gumaystuhu innoo sameeyay, taas ugama jeeddo yaan wax la baranin laakiin waxay ahayd manhaj adigu aad u baahantahay noociisa inaad samaysato,isla markaana uu hoos yimaaddo kan illaahay ee loogu talao galay in uu kawnkan lagu maamulo isaga iyo dastuurka gaal lagaaga soo dheegayba waxay ahayd in ay ka yimaaddaan Kitaabka illahay sunnihii Nebi maxamed scw.

     Bal u fiirso Manhajkaas iskulada yaallaa illa maanta wuxuu yasayaa diintii illahay iyo luqaddii fiicnayd ee illhaahay u doortay ee carabiga ahaydba wagaa hore Macalinka dhiga diinta waxaa la odhan jiray  Macllin dayaane isaga kan carabiga dhigaba mushaarka Dawldda hoose ayaa siin jirtay mushahaar aad uga liita kan macallinka Xisaabta dhiga oo kale  dhanka kale diinta iyo carabiga marka laysku daro 100 dhibcood ayaa lagu bixin jiray, halaka xisaabta oo qudha lagu bixin jiray 100 dhibcood waxay hayd niyad jebin toos  ah ku hayd si aan loo baran diinta oo ardaygu u yidhaahdo haddaan hadhow macallin noqdo in aan dawladda hoose mushahaar yar oo maclin dayaane ah uma baahni.

     Malaha waan fogaadee aan ku soo noqdo dulucda qoraalkaygan aan uga socdo,waxaa hubaal in qof kastaa dheriga uu karsanayo uu kala soo baxo wixii uu ku ritay taa macnaheedu waxa weeye macquul maaha in adigoo dherigaaga baasto ku ritay aad hilib kala soo baxdo oo baastadii hilib kuu noqoto,taas waxa la mid ah marka adigoo dawladnimadii sita oo aan wadan diin iyo alle ka cabsi toona aad ula tagtay qolo iyaguna kula mid ah oo intay dawladnimadii kaa qaadeen iska daa waxaad ka heshoo waa lagugu gumeeyay oo wax kastoo aanad geyin ayaad ka heshay,waxay gaadhay in la yidhaahdo dhulka xataa waa laga dabar jarayaa dad kale ayaa lagu beerayaa illaahay xaggii ayuunbay taasi ka dhici weydey,sabatay taasi u dhcdayna waxay ahayd kitaabkii alle oo aad ka tagatay iyo caddaalad xumada aad qaadatay.

     Haddaan u imaaddo Gunnadka qormadaydan Somali land ayaan yagleelnay waxaan samayssannay calan tawxiidku ku qoranyahay oo aan illaahay baalan kula galnay oon  aan nidhi illahow adaa na badbaadiyay maantana waan kuu soo noqonnay kitaabkaaga iyo sunnahii nebigaaga ayaan qaadannay oon isku maamulaynaa ma yeelnnay? mise been ayaan sheegnnay oo waxaynnu hoosta kala soo baxnnay dastuurkii shaydaanka.

     Waxaan maalmahan warbaahinta aad ugu arkaynaa Baroortan orgiga ka weyn ee ka baxaysa Haamaha kaydka shidaalka ee Berbera waan wareejinaynaa iyo wareejin maysaan,tolow keebaa labadan muran ee is mari la dani innogu jirtaa haddaan nahay shacabka dan yarta ee reer Somaliland, qolo waxay doonaysaa inay iminka cunto waa dawladda hadda gacanta ku haysee qolada kalena waxay doonaysaa in aan laga sii cunin ee markay iyagu yimaaddaan inay cunaan,arigtayda shacabka  qolona dan uma waddee iyagaa kala ridanaya.

     Bal in yar u fiirso akhristow intii aan la soo noqonnay xornimadii aan luminnay waxaa inna soo marray afar dawladood 1.tii kowaad waa tii  alle haw naxariistee tii Abdiraxmaan Axmed Cali waa tii ugu wanaagsnayd waqti adag ayay la kulantay wax badani umay qabsoomin waxay waddankaas yeeshayna ma jiri2. waa tii aalle haw naxariistee Maxamed Haji Ibrahim Cigaal,waxay ka liidatay tii ka horraysay waxayse aad uga fiicnayd tii ka danbaysay 3.waxaa timi tii Dahir rayaale Kahin waxay aad uga wanaagsnayd tan hadda joogta  4. tan Axmed Maxmed Siilaanyo waxay aad uga wanaagsanaan doontaa tan soo socota,waxaa hubaal ah haddii alle ka dhigo oo Eebbe innagu simo tan soo socotaa ay timaaddo way ka liidanaysaa tan maanta joogta ee aan ka qaylinaynno,haddaba abal aan si weydiinno sababtu waa maxay?bulshayahay dadkan inna xukumayaa innagay innaga soo dhex baxayaan innagaa doorannayna innagaa keenayna haddana ka qaylinayna, qofka islaamka ahna hog laba jeer lagama wada qaniino.

     Waxaan qormadaydan ku soo ibo xidhayaa waa maxay xalkeennu? xaggee ayuu ku jiraa? aniga aragtidayda xalkeennu gacanteenna ayuu ku jiraa waxaana weeye in aynnu ooffinno balantii aan illahay la galnay oo aynnu isku xukunno kitaabka illahay iyo sunnhii nebigisii suubanaa maxamed s.c.w, maalinta aan taas yeelnno ,ayaa Illaahay innaga dulqaadayaa abaarahan iyo inkarahan inna haysta oo dhan mar qudha ayaa  Illaahay innaga faydayaa  haddii aan taas yeelnno oo aan ku toosnaanno Illahay ayaa taas ballan qaaday Illaahay ballantiisuna wa dhab oo ballanta kama baxo,xagge ayaynnu ka bilownaa Aan u bandhignno Culumadeenna 1.Sh.Maxamed Sh.cumar dirir 2,Sh.Mustafe  Haji Ismaaciil Haruun 3. Sh.Adan siiro     iyoSh ,hebel……………………………………… intaas oo shiikh ood idinkuba garanaysaan  idinkaaba iga badiyee.

     Waxaa soo bixi doona cmiri dherer ay keeni doonaan dadka loo yaqaanno cilmaanida ee aan daba soconnay in ka badan 55,sanno ee geesna ummadan u wadai  waayay,beesha Caalamka ayaa cawimada innaga goosan doonta waxaan caawimo ,deeqdiisa weyn iyo aqoonsiba innogu filan Illaaheenna weyn.

     Wixii sax ah ee aan dhigay halkii loo baahnaa waa sidaan rabay,wixii  qalooc ah ama qadaf ah ee ka yimaadda qoraalkaygan xagga shaydaanka ayay ka ahaadeen raalli gellinna waan ka bixinayaa.

.

Aqoonyahan, Ibrahim Aadan Maxamuud

E-mail. ibrahimmohamed63@hotmail.com

Tel/063 4022994

                         Federal Miyaan rabnaa Mise Fawdo ?

By: Mustafa Salad Awale

Toronto | QOL | September 23, 2015. Dhulka Soomaaliya waxaa lagu qiyaasaa inuu ku fadhiyo cabir dhan 637.700 km², kaasoo 3jeer ka weyn wadanka Ugandha, halka 8 jeer in ka badan uu ka weeyn yahay wadanka Sera Leone, iyadoo 27 jeer in ka badana uu ka weyn yahay midkiiba wadamada Ruwanda, Jabuuti iyo Burundi.

Hadii aan si xaqiiqa ah idinkuugu tilmaamo dhulka Soomaaliya waxuu si baaxad leh uga weyn yahay isku darka wadamada Uganda(236.000 km²), Burundi(27,830 km² ), Ruwanda(23.340 km²), Jabuuti(23.000 km²) iyo Sera Leone(71.740 km²), iyadoo isugeynta shantaa wadan uu ka weyn yahay dhul cabirkiisu ka balaaran yahay wadanka Uganda oo lagu qiyaaso 252.790 km^2.

Soomaaliya waxaa ku teedsan tahay xeebta afrika ugu dheer 2180 km² oo badweeynta Hindiya ah iyo 1040 km²   oo ah badda Cas, iyadoo dhererka xeebta Soomaaliya guud ahaan lagu qiyaaso 3320 km² . Sida ay sheegeen hey’adaha qaramada midoobay ee beeraha iyo cuntada (Food and Agriculture Organization) iyo bangiga aduunka (World Bank) waxay ku qiyaaseen in Soomaaliya a y leedahay dhul beereed lagu qiyaasay 440.420 km² taasoo ka dhigan 69% dhulka Soomaaliya inuu yahay dhul wax laga beeran karo, hase yeeshee ay beertaan dadka Soomaaliyeed dhul lagu qiyaasay 102.200 km² taasoo u dhiganta 16%, iyadoo aananey Soomaalidu iskuba dayin 53% dhul beereed ah oo dayacan maanta, islamarkaana uu leeyahay dhulka Soomaaliya 82.820 km² oo ah dhul keyn ah una dhiganta 13.2% oo ilaah ku maneeystay ummada Soomaaliyeed.

Soomaaliya waxaa dhanka xadka Ethiopia ka soo gala Webiga Shabeelle oo marka laga bilaabo halka uu ka soo unkamo ee Galka Baale ee buuraleeyda bari ee Ethiopia guud ahaan dhererkiisu yahay 1290 Km, wuxuuna dhul leh fogaan 1246 Km ku dhex maraa Soomaaliya isagoo ka soo gala Gobolka Hiiraan siina dhex mara Gobollada Sh/dhexe iyo Sh/hoose, Baay.

Meel xadka Soomaaliya ku dhow magaalada Dooloow ayaa waxaa isaga darsama labada webi ee Ganaane iyo Daawa oo dhaca dhulka Ethiopia isku darsanka labadaa webi ayaa waxaa ka dhasha webiga Jubba oo ah webi aad u weyn kana soo gala magaalada Dooloow kuna fidsan gobollada Gedo, Baay, Jubada Dhexe iyo Jubada Hoose, isagoo dhexmaraa magaalooyin ay ka mid yihiin Dooloow, Luuq, Buurdhuubo, Beled Xaawo iyo Baardheere, siina dhex mara Gobolka J/dhexe magaalooyinka Bu’aale, Jilib, Saakoow iyo Kumsuuma, kuna dhamaada Gobolka J/hoose magaalooyinka Jamaame, Mareereey, kedibna labada webi ee Jubba iyo Shabelle waxay iskagana darsamaan magaalada Goobweeyn oo Kismaayo u jirta 25 Km, halkaasoo ay kaga darsamaan badweeynta Hindiya webiga Jubba oo ah webi aad u balaaran wuxuu dhererkiisu dhan yahay 1808 km, taasoo 804 km oo ka mid ah ay tahay dhulka Ethiopia, halka 1004 Km dherer ah uu ku dhex maro Gobollada koonfureed ee Soomaaliya, dhulkaa uu webigu dhex maro oo ayan Soomaalidu wada beeran oo ay ka beerato in aan ka badneyn 16%.

Qariidada Soomaaliya waxaa lagu sameeyay isbedelo waaweeyn xilligii xukuumadihii burburka ka horeeyay, hadaan dib u fiiriyo taariikhda wadanka Soomaaliya wuxuu ka koobnaa 18 Gobol iyo 92 degmo wixii ka horeeyay Janaayo 1991 oo aheyd waqtigii ugu danbeeyay oo ay jirtay dowlad Soomaaliyeed oo wada jirta.

Gobolada iyo Degmooyinka Dalka Soomaaliya Janaayo 1991

Dhaqaalaha gobolka Banaadir waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay Ganacsiga.     

Gobolkan waxaa magaala madaxdiisu tahay jowhar,dhaqaalihiisuna waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay Beeraha   

Gobolkan waxaa magaala madaxdiisu tahay Beledweyne, dhaqaalihiisuna waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay xoolaha nool iyo beeraha.     

Gobolkan waxaa magaala madaxdiisu tahay Dhuusomareeb, iyadoo degmada Galhareeri ay aheyd degmadii ugu danbeeysay ee la magacaabay biloowgii 1990-kii, dhaqaalaha gobolku waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay xoolaha nool.

Gobolkan waxaa magaala madaxdiisu tahay Gaalkacyo dhaqaalihiisuna waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay xoolaha nool.

Gobolkan waxaa magaala madaxdiisu tahay Garoowe dhaqaalihiisuna waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay xoolaha nool.

Gobolkan waxaa magaala madaxdiisu tahay Boosaaso dhaqaalihiisuna waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay Ganacsiga iyo Kaluunka.

Gobolkan waxaa magaala madaxdiisu tahay Laascaanood dhaqaalihiisuna waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay xoolaha nool.

Gobolkan waxaa magaala madaxdiisu tahay Ceeri gaabo, dhaqaalihiisuna waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay xoolaha nool gaar ahaan ariga, Geela iyo Kaluunka.

Gobolkan waxaa magaala madaxdiisu tahay Burco, dhaqaalihiisuna waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay xoolaha nool gaar ahaan geela iyo ariga.

Gobolkan waxaa magaala madaxdiisu tahay Hargeysa dhaqaalihiisuna waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay ganacsiga iyo xoolaha nool.

Gobolkan waxaa magaala madaxdiisu tahay Baki dhaqaalihiisuna waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay ganacsiga iyo xoolaha nool.

Gobolkan waxaa magaala madaxdiisu tahay Marko dhaqaalihiisuna waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay beeraha iyo xoolaha nool.

Gobolkan waxaa magaala madaxdiisu tahay Baydhabo dhaqaalihiisuna waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay beeraha iyo xoolaha nool.

Gobolkan waxaa magaala madaxdiisu tahay Garbahaareey dhaqaalihiisuna waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay Beeraha iyo xoolaha nool. 

Gobolkan waxaa magaala madaxdiisu tahay Xudur dhaqaalihiisuna waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay ganacsiga iyo xoolaha nool.

17. Gobolka Jubada Dhexe, waxa uu ka koobnaa 4 Degmo.

Gobolkan waxaa magaala madaxdiisu tahay Bu’aale dhaqaalihiisuna waxa uu ku tiirsanyahay Beeraha.

Gobolka Jubbada Hoose Caasimadiisu waa Kismaayo, dhaqaalihiisuna wuxuu ku xiran yahay beeraha, Xoolaha nool iyo Kaluumeeysiga.

Dagaaladii sokeeye ka hor dhulka Soomaalidu wuxuu ahaa dhul la wada dego inkastoo ay jirto in dhulka lakala lahaa oo qabaa’ilka Soomaalidu qolaba meel ay dhaqan iyo ab ahaan ka soo jeedo ay jirtay hadana ma aheyn arin su’aal iyo dareen ku dhalisa qofka Soomaaliga ah kaasoo meeshuu doono u shaqa tegi jiray kuna heli jiray soo dhaweeyn Soomaalinimo dareemi jirayna inuu ciidiisa joogo.

Magaalada Muqdisho oo ah caasimada wadanka waxa ay aheyd magaalo dadka afka Soomaaliga ah ku hadla ay u simanaayeen kuna noolaan jireen, ka shaqeeysan jireen kuna ganacsan jireen taasoo ay soo jiidatay dadka Soomaaliyeed oo dhamaan ay u aheyd magaalo ay wada lahaayeen siisayna kalsooni ah ineey maal gashadaan.

Dagaalkii sokeeye ee arxandarada u dhacay hantidii ummada iyo tii qarankana la boobay wuxuu kalifay in dadka Soomaalida ay lumiyeen aaminaadii, wada dhalashadii iyo Soomaalinimadii dhex tiilay, dantuna ku qasabtay ineey kala guuraan una kala degaan hab beleed, qolo walibana ay dantu biday inay ku noqoto degaamadii ay asal ahaan ka soo jeeday taasoo ay aamineen in ay ku nabad iyo amaan geli karaan.

Heshiisyadii nabad ku soo dabaalida iyo dib u heshiisiintii dheerayd isdabajoogana ahaa ee la dhex dhigay qabaa’ilkii Soomaaliyeed ee is dilay waxay beelaha qaarkood soo jeediyeen fikrad ah in wadanka laga wareejiyo jihadii xukunku ku koobnaa dowladda dhexe , laguna soo dabaalo habka federalka, qolo walibana isu raacdo sida ay deris u tahay, taasoo ahayd fikir ka soo maaxanayay caro, faan ama ficiltan kuna saleeysnaa qabka qabyaalada oo heerkii ugu sareeyay gaaray iyadoo qola waliba aysan qolada kale isku aamini Karin colaadii qaraareyd ee dadkii Soomaaliyeed ee ehelka ahaa kala gaartayna ay sababtay oraahda ninka hogaamiye beeleedka ahi la soo shirtagaana aheyd “ reer hebel ii talinmaayo” ee fikiradaas federalku kama imaaneeynin maskax nadiif ah oo bisil oo lagu habeeynayo ama lagu saxayo nidaamka Soomalidu taqaanay dhibkuna ka dhashay ee qaldanaa.

Hadaba xilliga fikradahaasi ay bilaabanayeen degaanada Soomaalidu waxay kala ahaayeen qaar ay u fududayd xilligii kala guurka ee dagaalada sokeeye ineey maamul sameeystaan taasoo ay u fududeeysay isku duubnidii qabaa’ilkaas ee ka dhalatay caradii ay qabeen iyo dhibki ka soo gaaray dagaaladaa, halka degaanada ugu badan wadanka ee kale ay dagaalladu weli ka aloosnaayeen, isla markaasina uusan ka jirin nidaam iyo hogaan mideeysan iyagoo markaa ku jiray hardan gacan ka hadal ku socday iyo isu awood sheegasho awoodoodana isugu keenay caasimada Muqdisho iyo koonfurta Soomaliya.

Shirkii dib u heshiisiinta Empaghati ee dalka Kenya ragii fikrada Federalka watay waxaa ugu cadcadaa Alaah u naxariistee Madaxweyne C/laahi Yuusuf Axmed iyo maamulkii uu dhidibada u taagay ee Puntland, isagoo heeystay maamul dhisan nidaam iyo kala danbeeyna leh, hase yeeshee iyadoo aan laga fekerin qeeybaha kale ee dalka ayaa la isku afgartay in bal marka hore magaca dalka Soomaaliya laga bedelo Republic lagana dhigo Federal, kedibna halkaa lagu abuuray Dowlada Federalka Soomaaliya isaguna uu madaxweeyne ka noqday dowladii ugu horeeysay ee federal lagu sheegay, oo aanan laheyn maamulo dhisan, dastuurkana uusan ku qeexneyn dowlad goboleedyo xilligaa jirtay baarlamaana ansixin

Maamuladaas ku meelgaarka ahaa ee is xigxigay waxay is lahaayeen sida ay Puntland ku dhisantay ayay ku dhismi karaan maamulada dhiman, laakiin ficilka ayaa ka hormaray fikirka umana dhicin sidii ay ku talagaleen, laakiin waxaa is weeydiin leh marka hore malaga fekeray:-

• Federal waa maxay ?
• Federalka aan qaadaneeyno waa noocee ?
• Sidee ayuu ku suurta geli karaa Federal, ma hab qabiil mise hab degaan ?
• Miyaa loo noqonayaa habkii gobollada ee 1960 mise kii qaladku ka yimid ee 1979 ?

Federal waxa uu ka yimid ereyga Latinka ah ee “Foedus” oo micnihiisu yahay heshiis siyaasadeed oo mug leh oo ay gaaraan dowlado ama gobolo nidaam dhisan leh kuna heshiiyaan ineey wadaagaan:-

• Dowlad dhexe

• Ciidamo qaran oo difaaca wadanka.

• Nidaam lacageed oo mideeysan

• Heshiisyada caalamiga ah oo ay dowlada dhexe mas’uul uga tahay maamul goboleedyada.

• Shuruucda Maxkamadaha

• Ilaalinta Sharciga guud ee qaranka

• Aruurinta canshuuraha federalka

• Maalgelinta danta guud sida Caafimaadka, Waxbarashada, Taakuleeynta danyarta iyo horumarinta tasiilaadka guud ee wadanka.

Iyadoo dowlad goboleedyadu ay xaquuqdooda iyo waajibaadkoodu yihiin:-

• Ururinta Canshuuraha gobolka iyo Federalka

• Ciidamada ilaalinta nabadgelyada gobolka sida Boliiska, Nabad sugida, Asluubta

• Maxkamadaha Gobolka

• Maamulka Waxbarashada, Caafimaadka iyo horumarinta degaanada maamul goboleedka

• Codsiga kaalmada uu uga baahan yahay federaalka

• Ilaalinta sharciga guud ee federalka

Waxaa la yiri Mas ayaa wuxuu madaxa la galay god uu ku jiray dabagaale markaasuu isagoo madaxa kula jira godki gudihiisa ku laqay dabagaalihii, godka oo ciriiri ahaa ayay waxay ku qaadatay saacado inuu laqo, laakiin waxaa dhacday ineey u suurto geli weeysay inuu madaxa dib danbe ula soo boxo.

Markii aad fiirisid shuruudahaas iyo sharciyadaas nidaamka Federalka lagu dhiso Soomaalidii shirarka isagu tegi jirtay midkoodna ma soo badhigay fekradahaas qaarkood mise waxay aheyd taladoodu aheyd Mar uun Madaxa ii geli. Su’aalaha ay dadka Soomaaliyeed badankoodu is weeydiiyaan waxaa ugu horeeysa Federal noocee ah ayaan noqon karnaa.

Hadii aan taariikhda dunida dib u yara xusuusano waxaa jira wadamo badan oo qaarkood u badnaa wadamadii afrika oo xilliyadii gumeeystihii reer yururub afrika yimaadeen ay wadamadaasi kala qeeybsadeen iyo qaar uu dadkoodu kala Dhaqan, Diin iyo Luqad duwanaayeen, laakiin xornimadoodi kedib isku dayay ineey isku biiraan sameeystaana nidaam Federal ah laakiin nidaam federal-yadoodu dhicisoobeen muddo yar kedib, iyadoo ay ugu wacneeyd hababka loo soo dhisay nidaamyadaas iyo hababka loogu dhaqmay oo isla jaanqaadi waayay, waxaana tusaale aan u soo qaadan karaa wadanka Nigeria oo u qeeybsan 3dex gobol oo waaweeyn oo ay ku kala dhaqan yihiin dad Dhaqan, Luqad iyo Diin aan wadaagin, iyo sidoo kale wadanka Cameron oo xurnimadii kadib ay isku biireen labadii gobol ee (Cameron Francophone) ee ahayd qeeybtii Faransiiku gumeeysanayay iyo (Cameron Anglophone) ee Ingriiska ayna sameeysteen nidaam federal ah, iyo isku biiritaankii Zanzibar iyo Tanzania dhamaan federallada ku yimaada awood qeeybsiga ee ka dhasha dadyoowga ilbaxnimadu ku yar tahay weligood ma waarin, iyadoo ay ugu wacnayd is faham la’aan ka jirtay hab dhaqameedyada iyo fiirada gaaban dadyoowgaasi lahaayeen.

Waxaa jira dhowr nooc federal ah oo hirgalay oo aanan isku saldhig aheyn laakiin isku meel wax u wada, bal aan wax yar ka tilmaamo hababkaas wadamada ku dhaqma iyo in noocyadaas midkood uu ka suurta geli karo wadanka Soomaaliya.

• Wadanka Imaaraadka Carabta markuu xornimada ka qaatay gumeeystihii Ingiriiska December 2, 1971 waxay isla maalintaa ansixiyeen dastuur ku meel gaar ah oo hab federal ku dhisnaa ayna wada dhigteen Todobadii Imaaradood ee uu Ingiriisku u kala jarjaray ee kala ahaa, Abu Dhabi(921.000), Dubai(2.106.00), Sharjah(800.000), Ajman(225.000), Umm al-Qaiwain(62.000), Ra’s al- Khaimah(263.200) and Fujairah(152.00).

Dastuurkaasi wuxuu qeexayay habka federalka ay doonayaan iyo wada shaqeeyntoodu noqon doonto.

• In hab doorasho oo u dhaxeeysa keliya xubnaha Amiirada todobada Imaradood lagu dooran doono Amiirka

• In Amiirka uu ka imaan karo keliya Amiirada Todobada Emaarad
• Gole guurti oo ka kooban 7 xubnood Imaarad kasta
• Golaha Guurtidu ineey shiraan 5tii sannaba mar, codna u qaadaan Amiirka, hadii uu ku guuleeystana uu shaqadiisa sii wato hadii kale Amiir cusub ay doortaan
• Baarlamaan qaran ka kooban 40 xildhibaan, 20 Xildhibaan waa joogto oo waxaa soo xulanaya Amiirada Imaaradaha, halka 20ka kale ay doorasho ku imaanayaan xilkana haynayaan muddo 4 sanno ah.
• Hay’adda sare ee cadaalada qaranka oo uu Amiirka guud soo doorto xubno ka kala socda todobada Emaaradood.
• Imarad kastana ay leedahay Amiir, gole baarlamaan iyo dowlad hoose.
• Xilliga xilka Amiirka guud oo aan xad laheyn.
• In Imaradaha Abu Dhabi iyo Dubai ay leeyihiin codka diidmada qayaxan(Veto Power), oo ay kaga hor iman karaan haduu ka yimaado go’aan aan u cuntamin Emaradaha kale.

Iyadoo islamarkaana uu ku socday dastuurku hab tijaaba ah oo ku meelgaar ah, ayuu ugu danbayntii dastuurkaasi wuxuu noqday mid ay isku wada raaceen ayna ansixiyeen inuu noqdo dastuurka saxa ah sanadkii 1996, iyagoo inta sanno ee u dhaxeeysay ay mar waliba saxayeen haduu qalad ka yimaado.

Habkan federalka ee uu isticmaalo wadanka Imaaraadka Carabtu waa hab-qabiileed aad u fudud ayna isku aqoonsan yihiin qabaa’ilada dhulkaasi wada dega, iyagoo iska warqaba iskuna ixtixraama sida ay qabaa’ilku u kala waaweeyn yihiin, waxaana hab dhaqameedkaasi uu ku hirgalay iyadoo wadanku yahay wadan qani ah oo aysan bulshadu dhanka siyaasada ku sii jeedin iskuna mashquulin, qabaa’ilki tabasho ka timaadana ay fududahay in xalkooda si fudud lagu xaliyo cadaaladuna ay si xoogan u shaqeeyso, maadaama dadkoodu ilaah nimca badan siiyay.

• Markii ay dhacday Xukuumadii Dergiga ee Dalka Ethiopia, maamulkii ku meelgaarka (TGE) ahaa waxay bilaabeen kana doodeen in dastuurkii wadanka lagu soo dhaqayay boqolaalka sanno la bedelo waxayna qorteen dastuur cusub oo ay kaga guureen nidaamkii Republiga una guureen habka Federalka, iyagoo wadanka u qeeybiyay 9 Gobol ama “Killil”, iyadoo gobol kastana uu leeyahay dowlad hoose iyo barlamaan iyo hogaamiye Gobol.

Waxay sameeysteen Gole baarlamaan(MFP) oo federal ah kana kooban 547 xildhibaan oo ka kala imanaya maamul goboleedyadaas iskana soo sharaxaya xisbiyada degaankaas iyadoo degaan kastaa xildhibaano xadidan la siiyay, kuna imaanaya nidaamka doorashada, shaqada hey’adani waxay la xisaabtanka hay’adaha fulinta.

Golaha Baarlamaanka Federalka Ethiopia axsaabta ay ka kala socdaan iyo iyo tirade Xisbi kasta ku leeyahay baarlamaanka 2010.

Gole guurti(House of the Federation) oo iyaga ka kooban 120 mudane kuna imanaya habka codka xadidan (Electroral process) iyadoo shuruudu tahay tirada dadka dhulkaas ku nool codka uu ka helo mudanaha, iyadoo aan loo fiirin baaxada dhulka qowmiyadaasi leedahay, awooda golahani waa mid aad u badan waxayna go’aan ka gaaraan xuquuqaha iyo danaha qowmiyadaha dalka kuwada nool, go’aaminta Cashuuraha federalka iyo tan gobolada, kabida iyo la macaamiltanka gobolada dalka iyo gaarida go’aamada culculus.

Habka federalkani waa kan ay ku dhaqmaan qawmiyadaha wada dega wadan, waxaana ku dhaqma wadamo aad u badan oo dadyoow kala asal ahi kuwada nool yihiin, dunida sadexaad wadamada uu ka jiro waa mid badanaa buuq,cabasho iyo is caburin lagu soo xulo mudanayaasha, qaab musuqmaasuq, dabadhilif hogaanka loo dhiibto iyo qabiilada oo la kala laaluusho ku dhisma sida nidaamka federalka Ethiopia, laakiin wadamada dadkoodu ilbaxda yahay biseylkooda siyaasadeedna uu aad u sareeyo si wanaagsan ayuu uga hirgalay sida wadanka Swezerland.

• Habka federalka ay isticmaalaan wadamada ilbaxnimadoodu aadka u horeeyso oo aan tusaale u soo qaadan karo wadamada Mareykanka iyo Canada, waa nidaam aad u hufan kuna dhisnayn qowmiyado, qabiil ama dhaqan midoodna, shaqsi walibana uu ku noolaan karo meeshuu doono ee wadanka iskana soo sharixi karo, una tartami karo xafiiska uu doono Degmo, Gobol ama Federal, ilaa xilka ugu sareeya wadanka iyadoo shuruuda ku xiran ay tahay keliya kartida iyo aqoonta shaqsigaas, waa nidaam ay ku dhaqmaan dadyoow kala dhaqan, luqad iyo asalba ah, laakiin dadyowgaasi ay ka mideeysan yihiin horumarinta degaanadooda iyo wadamadooda, wax muran dhul iyo degaan ahina uusan dhex oolin, cadaaladuna ay tahay tan keentay isku xirnaanta dadyowgaas kala duwan, dadkuna ay sharciga iyo xuquuqdaba u siman yihiin.

Dhulka Soomaaliya oo ah dhul aad u balaaran kana badan shacabka Soomaaliyeed, inta ay ka degaana ay yar tahay xitaa hadii loo baahdo in federal lagu soo dabaalo uu nagu filan yahay, waxaan weligeed suurta geli Karin in aan qaadano mid ka mid ah noocyadii Federalada aan kor ku soo xusay.

Bal aan soo qaadano kan qabiilka ku saleeysan ahna kan aanu maanta ku socono, lana tixraaco heshiiskaan aynan Soomaalidu badankeeda ka warqabin ee Garowe One iyo Garowe Two oo ay wada galeen maaulo aanu dastuur aqoonsan iyo madaxweeyne ku meelgaar ah oo baarlamaan ku meelgaar ah doortay, islamarkaana shacabka Soomaaliyeed in ka badan 70% aaneey ka qeeyb gelin heshiisyadaas lana saxiixay xilli aanu wadanku deganeeyn oo sheegayay in 2ba Gobol iyo ka badan is raaci karaan, Puntland waxay noqoneeysaa Gobolkii Bari oo maanta ah Bari iyo Nugaal.

Maamulka Gobollada dhexena wuxuu noqonayaa Gobolkii Mudug oo maanta ah Mudug iyo Galguduud.

Maadaama Gobolkii Banaadir oo ahaa Sh/dhexe, Banaadir iyo Sh/hoose ay ku jirto Caasimadii wadanka oo maamul goboleedyada sharcigeedu ka duwan yahay, lagana jaro gobolka Sh/dhexe laguna daro Gobolka Hiiraan, waxaa halkaa ka imaanaya maamul goboboleed kale.

Dhinacan kale ee Koonfureed mushkilad sidaa u weyn kama taagna Alta Jubba iyo Basso Jubba waa labada hadda dhisme ku socdo dadka degaamadaasi deganina aysan aheyn dad buuq badan oo u badan dad xoogsato ah una baahan nabad iyo kala danbeeyn ay ku shaqeeystaan, laakiin mushkiladu waxay ka jirtaa dhanka gobolladii la oran jiray Mudug iyo Bari, hadaba hadaan dib ugu noqono gobolka Mudug waxaa isla dega dad ka kooban Soomaali oo dhan, qeyb bulshadaa ka mid ahi waxay ehel yihiin maamulka Puntland, laakiin su’aashu waxay tahay habka maanta loogu doodayo in gobolka Mudug oo 5 Degmo ah qeyb waliba ay raacdo qabiilkeeda, waxaa meesha ka maqan oo aan xisaabta lagu darin in Gobolka Galguduud xitaa ay degan yihiin dad la ehel ah Puntland.

Nin baa waxaa la yiri qaadka cuni jiray wuxuuna kookada uu qaadka ku cuno ka soo iibsan jiray gabar dukaan ku laheyd xaafada uu deganaa, maalin maalmaha ka mid ah ayaa waxaa u timid gabar ay isku reer yihiin oo dukaan ka furatay meel isaga u dhoweyd markaas beey ku tiri “ war heedhe maa kookada aniga iga iibsatid soow taan ina adeertaa ahay”, kolkaasuu maalintii xigtay wiil kookaha u soo iibin jiray ku yiri war yaaahee iiga soo iibi kookakoolada heblaayo oo aheyd tii reerkiisa aheyd, markii loo keenay kookadii ayuu isagoo qayilayay hal mar kabaday, markaasuu isla markiiba tufay isagoo yiri “Alla Qabyaaladi Kululaa” oo uu ula jeeday kookadii qaboobeeyd ee uu cabi jiray iyo tan uu maanta qabyaalad ku raaca, maadaama aysan gabadha reerkiisa ahi Talaagad(Frintijeer) heeysan.

Reer igu ehel ah oo aan igu degaan ahayn aadna iiga fog danta iiga xiran iyo kaalmada aan ka heli karo miyaysan ka wanaagsaneeyn reerka aad ood wadaag tihiin oo dhibkaada ka warqaba miciina kuugu dhow inaad wax wada dhisataan, teeda kale dagaalkii dheeraa ee dadka Soomaaliyeed ka dhaxleen burburka iyo dibu dhaca xal ma u noqon karaa in dib loogu laabto dhaqankii duuga ahaa ee laga tegay iyo qabiilka aan wax guula lagu gaarin weligeed, dagaalada ka soo cusboonaaday Gobollada dhexe iyo hugunka ka jira dhulalka maanta la rabo in maamul laga dhiso waxay i xusuusineeysaa.

Waxaa la yiri Nin baa Xaaskiisa raashinka la cuni jiray, markaas baa aabihii maalin u soo martiyay, wuxuu arkay wiilkiisa iyo xaaska oo raashinka wada cunaya oo ay xaasku aad uga boobeeyso iyo wiilkiisa oo caato badan, markaasuu ku yiri, beryahaan aan martida idiin ahay aniga iyo adiga ayaa wada cuneeyna u sheeg xaaskaaga, maalintii xigtay ayay odaygii iyo wiilkiisa oo weel ku wada cunaya ayuu wiilkii arkay odayga oo gabadha ku maqan oo aad u eegaya sida ay raashinka labada gacan ugu cuneeyso markaasuu wiilkii yiri “ Aabe inti ay aniga iga gooyn jirtay maanta iyadaa iska gooyneeysa ee bal eeg”

Arintu hadda waxay taagan tahay ama soo muuqanaya dhibaatada Soomaaliya dhulkii asalka u ahaa ineey arintu ku soo uruurtay, maamul hore u dhisnaa ahaana maamulkii lagu saxiixay 2ba Gobol iyo ka badan sharcigii ahaa oo meel taagan iyo kuwo degmooyin dowlado u ahaayaayeen ilaa muddo oo iyaguna dareemay inaaneey dastuurka ku qorneyn laba degmo iyo wixii ka badan, oo dastuurku sheegayo Laba Gobol iyo wixii ka badan oo is eeganaya, iyadoo maamulka Puntland uu rabo inuu nidaam sharci daro ah ka dhigo maamulka gobolada dhexe ka imaan doona, isagoo muujinaya inaanu sharciga waafaqsaneyn gacantana kula jiro degaamadaas isaga ku ehelka ah laakiin aaneey ood wadaag aheyn, boobkaas iyo kala celintaas ficiltanka aan faa’iido laga gaarin weligeed waxay dib u dhigi kartaa ama daciifin kartaa inaanu weligiis Soomaaliya ka hanaqaado nidaamka Federalka oo dadka Soomalida oo dadka qaarkood la qurxoon.

Soomaali badan ayaa burburkii kedib aduunka afartiisa dacal iyo 5 qaaradood degtay, waxay ka soo kororsadeen habka aduunka nabada jecel iyo ilbaxnimadu u hanaqaaday, isla qurba joogtaas dibadaha iyo wadamada reer galbeedka timid kuna nool wadamo nidaamyada ay isticmaalaan uu yahay Federal ogna horumarka uu lahaan karo hadii sida haboon loo raaco ayaa waxay Telefishanada iyo Idaacadaha kaga doodaan ineey doonayaan nidaam ay ku tilmaamaan Federal laakiin aysan fasiri Karin, iyagoo aanan u doodin hab degaan ee dooda sal uga dhigaya federal ku dhisan kala deganaansho, Iska daa inaan haweeysano nidaamyada kale ee macquulka ah ee horumarsan laakiin waxaa nasiib darro ah inaan u noqonay habkii asalka ahaa ee beelaha ku dhisnaa iyo reer hebel baa caanaha keena magaalada iyo reer hebel baa ku badan magaalo.

Ciidamo kala socda oo aan kala amar qaadan qaab qabiilna u dhisan, madax maamul goboleedyo oo la baratama dowladii ay ku magacaabeen Federal, iyo falal ka soo horjeeda nidaamka federalka ee dunidu ku dhaqanto, waxay ku tusineeysaa inaaneey Soomaaliya diyaar u aheyn federal ee ay u socoto ficiltan iyo fawdo, Suurta gal ma aha in la sii kala guuro, Soomaali waa wiil, walaal, xidid iyo ehel, suurta gal maaha in lagu heshiiyo hab federal qabiil iyo qoys ku dhisan, suurta galna maaha in Soomaali lakala dejiyo, Soomaaliya ha is raacdo.

________________________________

Universal TV | London | September 30, 2015

Dood ay ka qeyb qaateen Xildhibaan Maxamed Cabdi Yuusuf iyo Xildhibaan Maxamed Cabdi Xaashi – Dowlada hadda jirta ma gaarsiin kartaa dalka doorashooyin hal cod iyo hal qof.

.

.

________________________________

October 19, 2015 – The wrangling over the legal process of the impeachment motion against President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud for treason, constitutional violations, abuse of power, and other crimes continues and took bizarre twist on October 13, 2015. With great surprise, the Speaker of the Federal Parliament, Mohamed Sheikh Osman Jawari, and Prime Minister (PM) Omar Abdirashid as a “Kangaroo Court” issued formal ten page disposition judgement of the motion. Whatever the motivations and intentions are, the two leaders’ action falls outside the constitution, good governance principles, and rule of law. The disposition judgement changes the impeachment motion into Auditor General investigative report on government wrongdoing, incompetence, corruption, and general failure and orders to go back to the drawing board for reinventing the federal government. The change and judgement defeats the purpose of the motion which is to prevent abuse of power, corruption, impunity, and to advance good governance. The motion is applicable solely against the President.

As defined in the dictionary, the “Kangaroo Court” disregards the principles of law, perverts justice, follows irresponsible procedure and gives judgment outside of legal procedures. The duo didn’t need legal advice, legal charges, prosecutor and defendant arguments, witnesses and reference to applicable laws for making their decision. They probably received the evidences collected by the sponsors of the motion intended to be presented to a court trial from individuals involved in the preparation of the motion.

The presumption is that the political leaders are above the law, while many powerless citizens are languishing years in the federal government prisons without access to judicial system. But, the Constitution prohibits unfair, biased, and inconsistent enforcement of the law.

From August 12, 2015, the impeachment motion in compliance with article 92 of the Provisional Constitution remained under the prerogative power of Speaker Jawari. That provoked bitter recrimination between the Speaker who issued conflicting instructions to circumvent the constitutional process and the parliamentarians, sponsors of the motion, who responded with harshly critical press releases and media talks to express their objections and make their case. The exchange of accusations for corruption, deception, and politically motivated objectives has degraded the reputation of the parliament, Somali politics, and demoralized the public. The parliament which functioned with less than 180 members and few weeks of work in each session enters the closedown and farewell phase.

Furthermore, the incessant campaign and proclamations of the head of the UN Mission for Somalia (UNSOM), Ambassador Nicholas Kay on the immediate suspension of the motion has bolstered the perception that Somalia is under the administration of foreign powers and that foreign driven agenda overrides all other matters, including the vital importance of respecting the rule of law, protecting human rights, and holding political leaders accountable for their actions or no actions.

The controversial directives of the Speaker on the motion are not included in his responsibilities and powers outlined in Article 7 of the internal regulation of the parliament. The disposition judgement constitutes an insidious precedent for the long term trust in the rule of law and restrain on government power.

The Judges of the Kangaroo Court rejected the treason charges and made all other allegations as wrongdoing and deficiencies of the federal government. There is widespread perception that the efforts of the duo is to obstruct the role of the Supreme Court to express an opinion on the legal foundations of the allegations against President Hassan. Clearly, they violated article 3 of the provisional constitution on the separation of jurisdiction and powers between branches of government for checks and balance.

The disposition judgement does not exonerate the president from serious charges, rather humiliates him, condones impunity for injustices committed against citizens, absolves Government offenders and encourages persecution of innocent victims, dismisses human rights violations against internally displaced people, and more importantly covers up complicity of parliament and council of ministers in the allegations listed in the impeachment motion. The Judgement instructs the implementation of the following measures:

• Abrogation of the unconstitutional decree No. 5 of 28, 2015, review of law no. 1 dated February 7, 1965 and regulation no. 4 dated June 3, 1962. The motion claims that innocent Somali Citizens were killed by the government on the basis of this unconstitutional decree.
• Immediate approval of independent judiciary and human rights commissions, establishment of constitutional court, appointment of judicial inspector, review of rules, regulations and staff of judiciary system.
• Conformity of National Security Council with article 111H of the Provisional Constitution, verification of correct number of security forces, review of nominated commanders of the security forces-military, police, intelligence, and custodial corps- appointment of civilian authority for oversight of security forces, review of the agreement on the deployment of African Union forces in the country, and establishment of new law on private security firms.

• Tracking of missing Somali funds held in the US Federal Bank in New York, issuance of new law that revokes all immobile properties (land, building, airstrips, ports, hospitals, sport games, hotels, MCH, agricultural farms,, public parks, and other public assets) transferred or rented to private citizens after 1990, and return of assets owned by foreigners before 1990. This decision annuls the legitimacy of former government acts without political and legal process.

• Cancellation of the agreement of the Federal Government of Somalia with FishGuard Ltd, review and cancellation of all foreign contracts and tenders not in compliance with rule of law, review of Somalia Oil and Gas Company Agreement, cancellation, suspension, or renegotiation of defective contracts examined by the Financial Governance Committee, submission of report about the contracts with Favori and Albayrak to the parliament.

• Immediate formation of Anti-Corruption Commission, immediate payment of Salaries to security forces, bottom up review of the public administration to weed out nepotism, favoritism, corruption, and mismanagement.

The following federal government institutions are tasked to implement the above listed instructions: Parliamentary Committees, Office of the Prime Minister, Ministry of Finance, Central Bank of Somalia, Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Women and Human Rights, Independent Human Rights, Reconciliation, National Security, and judicial service commissions, Ministry of Security, Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Public Works, Ministry of Transportation, Ministry of Ports, Ministry of Health, Ministry of Education, Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Trade and Industry, Ministry of Youth and Sports, Ministry of Information and Tourists, Ministry of Petroleum, Ministry of foreign Affairs, Procurement and tender Commission, Auditor General, Presidents of the Federal Member States, Regional and District Commissioners. With exception of the Parliamentary committees, all other institutions are members of the Council of Ministers and auxiliary entities.

It is noteworthy that since the time the media reported the submission of the impeachment motion, the Somali political elite and civil society actors did not avail of the constitutional right and responsibility of citizen’s political participation by offering political, legal, and procedural opinions on the handling of the motion in order to advance the democratic practice and rule of law in Somalia and to hold political leaders accountable. The subject matter of the Impeachment motion should have been a serious concern for all Somalis because it questions the legitimacy of the president to remain in office.

.

Mr. Mohamud M Uluso

mohamuduluso@gmail.com

_________________

Haile Selassie ” The position of Somalia is that wherever people speak Somalian they belong to Somalia. Somalia has refused, and is being armed to a dangerous extent. They have air bases, naval bases, and communication bases. They have many more tanks. We have 20; they have 200. In APC’s, we have 54; they have 310. We have no radar, they have a radar system. Our air forces is over age; they have seven MIG-21′ sand ten IL-28¹ s. As for anti-aircraft batteries, we have 24 and they have 170. We have no rocket launchers and they have 24.”

READ MORE FOR THIS CONVERSION…

MEMORANDUM OF CONVERSATION

PARTICIPANTS: President Nixon Emperor Haile Selassie, Emperor of Ethiopia Haile Minassie, Ethiopian Foreign Minister Major General Brent Scowcroft, Deputy Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs

DATE AND TIME: Tuesday, May 15, 1973 – 11:03 a. m. -12:13 p. m.

PLACE: The Oval Office

I am here on an urgent matter internationally, affecting the U. S. and Ethiopia and the Indian Ocean and Red Sea area. There has been a change in the situation in our area. You are aware of it, but we feel it closer.

The balance of forces has changed radically because Soviet influence is expanding rapidly.

READ MORE FOR THIS CONVERSION…

.

.

___________________________

FIKRAD \ OPINION | Waxaa Boqortooyada Sacuudiga dhowaan ay soo jeedisey iney daneyneyso in haweenka Soomaaliyeed ay u ogolaaneyso dalkeeda iney si sharciya uga shaqeystaan u adeegida guryaha Sacuudiga, iyaga oo lagu shaqaaleynayo mushaar aad u yar, mushaarkaas oo aan daboleyn caafimaadka iyo nolosha shaqaalahaas. Waxaa intaas wehlisa iyada oo aysan cadeyn in shaqaalahaas loo ogol yahay qoysaskoodu iney kula noolaadaan wadanka Sacuudiga gudahiisa.

Ma aaminsani in maanta uu Sacuudigu u daneynayo Soomaaliya si haweenkoodu uga faa’ideystaan fursad shaqo. Waxey cid walba xasuustaa araxandarrida Sacuudiga oo shacabka Soomaaliyeed intii ka carrartay dagaalka sokeeye oo dhib iyo rafaad ku gashay Sacuudiga intoodi badanaa ay dalkooda ka soo tarxiileen, kuna soo daadiyeen Soomaaliya goobihii ay ka socdeen dagaalada sokeeye.

Sacuudiga oo ah wadan Islaama, haddana dal ahaan deris la ah Soomaaliya ma jiro hal qoys keliya oo Soomaaliya oo uu siiyey magangelyo uu ku badbaadinayo noloshooda, meesha dowladaha reer galbeedka ah ay malayiin Soomaaliyeed ku badbaadiyeen noloshooda. Arxandarrida intaas la eg waa mid ka fog dhaqanka insaanimada iyo xuquuqda Islaamka, iyo doorka laga filan karey dowlad Islaamka hormuud u ah oo tusaale wanaagsan u noqota hogaaminta Islaamka iyo dhulka barakeysan oo caalamka Islaamka oo dhan ay ku xiran yihiin.

Waxaan ku soo arkay Sacuudiga wadaado mitidiina oo hab ciidan ahaan u qabsaday dhulka barakeysan, kuwaas oo aan wax arxana lagu tababarin, dhaqankooduna ku saleysan yahay qaab xagjirnimo oo ay u badan tahay cidii aan dariiqadooda raacsaneyn iney si guud u galeynayaan ama dhaqamada Islaamka oo ka duwan dhaqankooda ay u arkaan mid aysan u dulqaadan karin, isla markiisna aad ka dareemeysid Islaanimada iyo Carabnimada iney shardi u tahay aaminsanaanta ay ku qabaan saafinimada diinta.

Sacuudiga waxey Soomaaliya ku fiirsanayeen saboolnimada ay ku jirtey wakhti dheer, mana dhicin inuu si xor ah ugu ogaaldo Soomaalida sanooyin badan oo la soo dhaafay iney dalkooda si sharaf leh uga shaqeystaan, wuxuuna Soomaalida ka door biday Hindida iyo Ashiyaanka idhoyarta ah. Maxaa maanta kalifay in Sacuudigu uu la yimaado dadaal uu ku muujinayo mid uu ugu daneynayo shacabka Soomaalida, gaar ahaan haweenka Soomaalida.

Sacuudigu waa boqortooyo ay dadkoodu ku kala xuquuq badan yihiin oo wadaniyiintoodu uma wada sina xuquuqda ay ku kala leeyiihiin daqliga ka soo gala kheyraadka dalka ka soo baxa, waxaana darajada kowaad mudnaanteeda iska leh qoysaska boqortooyada, waxaana xiga wadaadada la shaqeysta qoyska boqortooyada, waxaana ugu dambeeya wadaniyiinta caadiga ah, waxeyna wadaniyiinta Sacuudiga ku kala sareeyaan xaga sharciga, dhaqaalaha, iyo sinjiga.

Dhaqanka boqortooyada kama muuqato dhowrista xuquuqda insaanka iyo mida Islaamka, waxaana ku badan ciqaabta, cadaabta, iyo cabsigelinta xukunkoodu uu ku hayo shacabkooda iyo inta ku hoos nool. Sida ay u haboon tahay ima muuqato in dalkaas loo diro gabdha Soomaaliyeed oo aysan jirin dowlad Soomaaliyeed oo ka difaaci kara xadgudubyada loo geysan karo ama tacadiyada lagula kacayo jir ahaan, dhaqaale ahaan, iyo sharci ahaan.

Sacuudiga wuxuu daneynayaa inuu dhalinyarada Soomaaliyeed geliyo dagaalka uu kula jiro Iraan oo hadda sida dadban uga socda dalka Yemen iyo Suuriya, waxaana ka dhaadhacsan in raga Soomaaliyeed loo adeegsado dagaaladaas, haweenkooda oo aan wadan wax muxrim ahna ay noqdaan kuwo ku dhexmilma shacabka Sacuudiga iyagoo dhaqan adoonimo kula dhaqmaya.

Waxaa si weyn isu soo taraya in ciidamada Soomaaliya ay tababaranayaan wadamada khaliijka si ay uga dhigtaan derbi ay isaga difaacaan mowjadaha dagaal ee ku soo food leh wadamadooda. Hadda ka hor Talyaaniga Fashiistaha ahaa ayaa 1935 ciidan lixdan kun oo Soomaaliya uu ka qortay dagaal kula galay boqortooyadii Itoobiya, wax badan oo ragaas ka soo noqdayna lama sheegin, dadkoodiina wax xuquuqa oo muuqda lama soo gaarsiin, arrintaas oo mustaqbalka dhaawac ku ah xiriirka Talyaaniga iyo Soomaalida.

Dhaqdhaqaaqa ay wadamada khaliijka ugu soo dhowaanayaan Soomaaliya waa mid ay ku doonayaan in Soomaaliya ay uga dhistaan dowlad baryahooda hoos timaada oo ay ka yeelaan sida ay doonaan shacabka iyo kheyraadka ummadda Soomaaliyeed. Waxaa dalka ka jira urur-dimeedyo mitida oo ku xiran wadamadaas, kalana shaqeeya wadanmadaas dhinaca muqaabaraadka si ay u fududaato iney awooda keenaan wakiilada danahooda fulinaya.

Wakiiladaas waxey marar badan ka soo horjeedaan inuu xoogeysto xiriirka Soomaaliya iyo Iraan, waxeyna faafiyaan dacaayado ku saabsan in Iraan xiriirkeedu ku saabsan yahay fidinta shiicada iyo naceybka suniyiinta. Soomaaliya waa dal xor ah oo aan dalna meel ugu dabraneyn, calaqaad siyaasadeed oo soo jireenana uu kala dhexeeyo wadamo badan oo Islaama oo aan ahayn Carab, xiriirkaasina marna kuma saleysneyn dariiqada diinta Islaamka ay heystaan wadamadaas, laakiin wuxuu ku qotomey isxaqdhowr walaaltinimo oo salka ku haysa iskaashi Islaanimo.

Sacuudiga iyo Iraan labaduba waxey dibeda u soo dhoofiyaan dariiqooyinkooda xagjirka ah, laakiin mid walba mitidiintaas wuxuu ku dhibaa wadamada ay dhinaca dariiqada diinta ay gacan saarka ka leeyuihiin. Waxaa dalalka Islaamka ee saboolka ah oo u badan suniyiin ay dhibaatooyin kala kulmaan xagjirnimada ay faafinayaan wadamada khaliijka, waayo wadamadaas weli kama aysan hirgelin shiicanimadu, mana muuqato wakhtiga hadda la joogo jawi dhiirogelinaya fidinteeda.

Waxey hadda ka hor dowlad ka mida khaliijka ay sheegtay iney bixineyso mushaarka ciidamada Soomaaliyeed, taas oo sharaf dhac ku ah qaranimada ummadda Soomaaliyeed waayo ciidan qaran ma noqon karo mid ay shisheeyuhu bixiyaan mushaarkooda, haddii ay sidaas dhacdana iyaga ayuu danahooda u shaqeynayaa, wadankana xukun milateri oo dadban ayey ku qabsanayaan iyagoo dhaqanka calooshooda u shaqeystanimo ugu adeegsanaya ciidamadaas.

Waxaan aad uga digeynaa in si wanaagsan looga fiirsado iskaashiga ciidan oo ay qorsheynayaan wadamada ay horkaceyso Sacuudiga, kaas oo horseedi kara dad la’aan, xuquuq la’aan, iyo dal la’aan. Waxaana soo iftiimeysa ineysan Carab iyo Yuhud uusan midna noo ahayn sokeeye oo aysan jirin cid gooni noo xigta, wadamadaasna ay hadda ka mideysan yihiin mitidnimada dhinaca dhaqaalahooda ay ku kasbadaan dantooda u gaarka ah.

Waxaan ka soo horjeedna Soomaaliya oo ku jirta xaalad adag in haddana madaxdooda lagu laaluusho gelitaanka heshiisyo xaaraan ah oo aan loo wada sineyn oo shisheeyaha ay ku leeyihiin mudaanta kowaad ee lagu meelmarinayo danahooda u gaarka ah. Soomaaliya hadda diyaar uma ahan iney wadamada Carabta la gasho heshiis Soomaaliya ciidan looga qaadayo ama askar dhiigooda lacag yar laga siiyo oo qaab calooshada u shaqeystanimo loogu adeegsado.

.

Dr. Saciid Ciise Maxamud

saciidciise258@aol.com

_____________________________

Kulmiyihii shalay, kulmiyaha Maanta iyo Kulmiyaha berry…’ Qormo lafo gur ah; Qorre: Saleebaan Cabdi Cali Kalshaale

Arraar

• “Umaan qaadan qalinka qayb

• Umaan qorin weedha qolo
• Umaan qallin hadalka quud
• Dareenka qasbaa xarfaha
• Qiyaas ugu dhigay kashkayga
• Ee ninkii qoonsadoow ha qarin…”

Hordhac kooban;

Qormadan labaad ee Taxanaha gorfeynta geediga Siyaasaddeed ee loollanka Xisbiga kulmiye waxaan ku falan-qeyn doonaa Qaraxa culus ee durba iftiimiyey dil-dilaaca Xisbiga ku bilowday iyo nusqaanta uu ku keenayo jawiga cusubi miisaankii iyo mabaadii’dii uu ku socday, haba noqdeen kuwii laysku diidanaaye.

Maxaa ka Qarxay Kulmiye?

Waxba may dhicin!, deero deero may hirdiyin, dalkuna waa nabad, waanu sii ahaan doonaa nabad. dareen-baase bulshada uga baxay Is-casilaada huwantii Xukuumadda Madaxweyne Siilaanyo ka dareeray, kaasoo ah mid dhabar-jabin ku ah qaranka, laguna talo-galay.

Geesta kalena, talaabadan Iscasiladda sagaakja Wasiir ee Xukuumadda ka tegay waxay ahayd arrin la filayey billo ka hor intaanu gaadhin heerkan culus ee kala qaybsanaanta dhalisay, balse uu bilaabmay loollanka Murrashaxnimada xisbiga loogu tartamayo ee u dhexeeyey Golaha Wasiirrada qaarkood iyo hogaanka xisbiga, taasoo Madaxweyne Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud lumiyey wakhtigii uu ka hortegi lahaa ama uu wax ka qaban lahaa.

Si cad ayey saaxada siyaasada uga muuqatay dhacdadan dhegaha bulshada sida kediska ah ugu soo dhacday, waxaana saameynta ay dalka iyo dawladnimada ku yeellato masuuliyadeed qayb ku leh Madaxweynaha iyo ku-xigeenka oo ka gaabiyey xilligii wax laga qaban kari lahaa.

Hadiise Madaxweynaha iyo la-taliyeyaashiisu ogolaadeen inay ka qayb-galaan tartanka Murrashaxnimada, iyagoo xilal wasiirnimo haya. isticmaalaya Hantidii dawladda, sida Gaadiidka iyo Shidaalka qaranka loogu shaqaynayey, isla markaana ay ilaalinayaan Askartii Qaranku, mowqifka mutaxan ee ay isku casileen aan mar kale ku celiyee, wuxuu muujinayaa qorshe ay ku shafayeen Xukuumadda, taasoo haddii loo sii dhabo galo la heli karo halka ay ku arroorto iyo cidda la maleegtay shaxda ay ku socdaan. Waxa go’aankooda ka dhex muuqda Siyaasiyiin hore uga hulleelay qasriga oo wacad ku maray inay Madaxweyne Siilaanyo ku dul dumin doonaan Xukuumadda iyo Xisbiga Kulmiye. Kama madhna hindisahan kala daadinta Xukuumadda far shisheeye iyo Shirqool ujeedooyin badan.

Dhan kale haddaan ka istaagno qodobkaas dadku hadday isweydiinayaan maxay saameyn leedahay Iscasilaada dersinka Wasiirrada ah?.

Halagu kala lagu kala aragti duwanaadee, waxa loo badanyahay,inay ku kaceen fal la odhan karo wuxuu halis ku yahay milgaha iyo Maamuuska dawladnimo, midnimada Qaranka iyo musawirka Madaxweynaha dalka xukuma.

sidaas darteed, Inkasta oo aan la tusaaleyn Karin talaabooyinka tan xigta ee ay qaadi doonaan, halkay ka soo jeesan doonaan berri iyo mowqifka biyo kama dhibcaanka ah ee uu Madaxweyne Siilaanyo ka qaadan doono shebekaddan ka dareertay Xukuumadda, haddana waa hubaal inay la kulmi doonaan ciqaab adag oo uu marsiin doono hogaamiyaha dalku.

Sidaan filayo Wasiirrada iscasilay qaarkood waxay waajahayaan culays badan oo kaga yimaada qasriga Madaxtooyada, daba-gal iyo la xisaabtan culus oo aanay ka dabaalan Karin. Waxaba qaarkood hortaala xisaab celin shan sannadood ah, silsilad siyaasaddeed oo lugaha loogu xidhayo iyo dabcan dunuubtii ay ka galeen bulshada rayidka ah muddadii shanta sannadood ahayd ee uu kulmiye dalka xumayey.

Isku soo wada duuboo aragtida ra’yul caamku kaga dareen celiyey naadigan garoonka ciyaartu ka socoto, ka dareeray ee uu hogaaminayo wasiirkii shanta sannadood hor-taagnaa Xafiiska Madaxweyne Siilaanyo ee Xirsi Cali Xaaji Xasan, waxa kamida in dadka lafa-gura Siyaasadu u arkeen nabar ka fuqay Qaranka, oo xanuun iyo xasarad dibada ula guuray. Aniguse waxaan u arkaa rag ka cadhooday kubad garoonka dhextaala oo ka dhaxaysay garabkaa Murrashax Muuse Biixi. Waxa inoo muuqata inay xamili waayeen dhowrkii gool ee laga dhaliyey haafka hore.

Sidaas awgeed , Waxaanan isweydiinayaa maxay sameyn doonaan, lagase filli lahaa hadii ay sidaas kaga baxaan garoonka, kooxdan ka xanaaqday labadii gool ee bilowga Ciyaarta laga dhaliyey, hankooduna ku bur-buray dardartii hore ee loollanka, isla markaana durba halkaas ka fad-kudiyey.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, wasiirrada iska-casilay Golaha xukuumadda waxay kamid ahaayeen rukumadii ay ku taagnayd mid kamida labadii kooxood ee qadiyadaha iska soo horjeeda kaga loollameyey xisbiga intii madaxweyne siilaanyo xukunka hayey, kuwaasoo ahaa dab iyo dhagax aan Midna midka kale ogolayn inuu la fal-galo.

Waxaa hubaal ah inay kala badsadeen dheeftii xukuumadda Siilaanyo heshay shantii sannadood ee ay dalka xukumaysay Mood iyo nool. Qolada wadaadada ah ayaa intii badnayd Shogaanta u hayey qasriga, qaarkood waxaabay ka najaxeen mashaariicdii ay dilaalleen wakhtigaas, kuwona wali dhiisha ayey dhaaminayaan.

Kulmiye: loollan iyo laab la kac !! Q1-aad

.

La soco qormooyinka dambe..

Qorre: Saleebaan Cabdi Cali (Kalshaale)

Suxufi falanqeeya arrimaha Siyaasada

______________________________

Kulmiyihii shalay, kulmiyaha Maanta iyo Kulmiyaha berri; Qormo lafo gur ah: Saleebaan Cabdi Cali (Kalshaale)

• “Umaan qaadan qalinka qayb

• Umaan qorin weedha qolo
• Umaan qallin hadalka quud
• Dareenka qasbaa xarfaha
• Qiyaas ugu dhigay kashkayga
• Ee ninkii qoonsadoow ha qarin…”

Arraar kaddib, qormadan 3-aad ee taxanaheena waxaynu dib ugu laabbanaynaa sheekadii hore inoogu soo taxnayd ee Sooyaalka Kulmiye, waxaanan ku salayn doonaa Marxallada cusub ee la galay iyo muuqaalka isbedelay maalmihii u dambeeyey.

Intaananse gudda gelin qoraalka. aan ka qac ka siiyo dhowr tuduc oo xalay igu soo dhacay markii aan munaaqishoonayey, waxaana idhi ;

‘Nin hankiisu waydeeyey

Himiladdu ka naafowday

Isagoon hambada dhowrin

Ka huleellay jeegaanta

Marka horeba hoosiis dheh!!

Hoosiiska waxa la yidhaahdaa marka ay daruur yar oo khafiif ahi cadceeda qariso, kaddibna daqiiqado yar kaddib, iyadoo nooluhu hadhka ka dareeray ay qoraxdu dibada uga soo baxdo daruurtii yarayd ee dabooshay. Waa soomaalidu ku maahmaahda; Doqoni hoosaasinbay hadh mooda’. Intaas kolkaan ka imaado aan u soo noqdo mowduuca iyo qormadeena maanta.

Maalmihii adkaa iyo Mabaadii’da liicday

kooxda Mujaahidiinta ah ee uu madaxda u yahay Muuse Biixi waxay dheer yihiin kuwa ka soo horjeeda ee garabka samaale,  Biseyl iyo waayo-aragnimo siyaasaddeed, xagga dhaqaalahase markaan eegno, hoos ka dhiib yar wax ka badan oo muuqdaa kamuu soo gaadhin dabar-goynta khayraadka dalka ee ay xukuumadda Siilaanyo ku tasaruftay bad iyo bariba intay talada haysay. Sidaasoo ay tahay, misna Lama odhan karo waxay ka qaddeen mashaariicda dawladdu bixisay, wallow aanay marna isha ra’yul caamku qaban hanti buuran oo loo loogay.

Labadan garab ee xisbiga la soo koray, ujeedooyinkooda Siyaasaddeedna kala fog yihiin waxa hirdan adag oo laysku muquuninayey ka dhexeeyey teer iyo markii Odayga xisbigu (Madaxweynaha) uu wareejiyey Guddoomiyenimada. Loollankaas oo hadda soo gaadhay marxaladii u dambeysay ee uu midkood suntan lahaa hadii guusha lagu waaro madaxweynaha xisbiga ee Siilaanyo bedeli doona, ayaa waxay labada dhinac isla soo mareen marxaladdo kala duwan, maalmo adag iyo mahadhooyin taariikhda galay, kuwaasoo suurto-gelin waayey in lagu kala hadho oo uu koodii roonaadaa reerka u hadho.

Gulufkii ugu adkaa ee ay isla soo mareen wuxuu ahaa markii qabsoomay Shirweynihii xisbiga ee dhacay 2014-ka. Si fiican ayaa loogu kala adkaaday iyadoo aan tartan loo gelin hogaanka xisbiga qabashadiisa, inkastoo qabanqaabadii laysu dhibi listay. Ergadii Shirweynaha ka qayb-gashay waxa laga ansixiyey qorsheyaal dibada lagu soo bisleeyey oo ay ku jiraan doorashada todobada xubnood ee hogaanka xisbiga, magacaabista guddida fulinta iyo tiradda xubnaha Golaha dhexe. Waxa jiray xubno lagu daray guddida fulinta oo saameyn weyn ku lahaa wada-shaqaynta guddida. In xubnahaas lagu kordhiyo fulinta xisbigu waxay kamid ahayd jarantarrooyinkii isku simay labada dhinac inay illaa hadda kubbada wada-dheelaan. Waayo haddii kolkii horeba lagu kala hadhi lahaa Shirweynaha may yimaadeen waqtigan muran iyo is-qabqabsi iminka.

Shirweynihii xisbiga dib haddaan ugu yar noqono, si nabad ah ayy ku dhacay sanadkii tegay, laakiinse lama mahadin natiijooyinkii ka soo baxay; sida dhismihii golaha dhexe ee xisbiga, guddida fulinta iyo dhamaystirka howlihii qabyada ahaa ee Shirweynuhu ansixiyey. Faddeexadii ugu xumayd ee uu xisbigu waajahay kolkaas, waxay dibada u soo baxday markii ay Shir-guddoonkii Shirweynaha iyo hogaanka xisbigu kala magacaabeen laba gole dhexe oo kala duwan, kuwaasoo ay soo kala saareen laba maalmood oo is-xigay. Waxay u muuqatay anfariir iyo dhacdo ugub ah oo bulshadu aad u dareentay.

May jirin caqabad ka fool-xun oo xisbigu soo maray intaan xusuusto tobankii sannadood ee u dambeeyey, waxaanay ahayd arrin si weyn u saameysay shuruucda iyo kala dambeynta dhexdiisa, markii laysla qastayna waxay gaadhay heer nabad-gelyo daro oo curisay, iyadoo waddanka oo dhan gilgishay duufaantii ka kacday. Si kastoo ay u adkayd xaaladaasi, Hadii aannan u xil-qarin waxa lagu xaliyeytanaasul siyaasaddeed oo dhimbiil daba kaga kulullayd hogaanka xisbiga, siiba Guddoomiye Muuse Biixi iyo ku-xigeenkiisa Maxamed Kaahin, oo ay markaa falaadhaha dagaalku toos ugu socdeen. Xalkii la gaadhay wuxuu fursad dahabi ah u ahaa garabkii xukuumadda ee ay hogaaminayeen Wasiirkii Maaliyada ee wakhtigaas Cabdicasiis Samaale iyo saaxiibadiisa Wasiir Xirsi ku jiro.

Sida la xusuusto, qodobadii go’ankii ergada Guurtida ee dhexdhexaadinaysa muranka xisbiga, waxa kamid ahaa in Gollaha dhexe ee xisbigu noqdo kii ay magacaabeen Shirguddoonkii Shirweynaha oo sida loo arkayey u janjeedhay dhinaca Samaale iyo kooxdiisa. Weedhihii ugu cuslaa ee laga jeediyey xafladii lagaga dhawaaqay heshiiska dhinacyada xisbiga, waxaan afkiisa ka guntay Guddoomiyaha Xisbiga Muuse Biixi Cabdi oo yidhi; “ si kasta oo ay iigu adagtahay waan aqbalay anigoo eegaya danaha qaranka iyo midnimada Somaliland” ayuu yidhi Muuse Biixi oo uu walaac badani wajigiisa ka muuqday.

Soo af-jarida Khilaafkii ka dhashay Shirweynihii xisbigu waxay dhabada u xaadhay marxaladda uu hadda ku soo gaadhay , diyaarinta shirka Golaha dhexe ee bisha November loo muddeeyey qabsoomidiisa, shirkaasoo ah mid miisaan ahaan ka culus, kana xaasaasisan marka la barbar dhigo Shirweynihii la soo dhaafay.

Sida uu dhigayo dastuurka xisbigu, Shirka Golaha dhexe waxa lagu dooran doonaa Murrashaxiinta Madaxweynaha iyo ku-xigeenka.

Doorashada jaggooyinkani maaha arrin sahlan ama la fuddeysan karo, inkastoonu madaxweyne siilaanyo si rasmiya uga tanaasulin. Shirkaas waxa ka soo bixi kara murrashaxiin ay siyaasaddoodu ka duwantahay hannaanka hada dalku u dhisanyahay, kuwaasoo xukunkoodu saameyn taban ku yeellan karo Mustaqbalka waddanka.

Labada saf ee ay iminka kubbadu dhex taalay, way caddahay aragtidooda siyaasaddeed ee dhow iyo mida fog ee ay u shidaal qaadanayaan, waxaanad moodaa haddeer in qollo salaanka ka dhacday, isla markaana lumisay fursad ay ku hannan kari lahayd dooonaneyaasha Xisbiga hadii ay tab iyo xeellad ku socdaan.

.

Kulmiye: loollan iyo laab la kac !! Q2-aad.

Kulmiye: loollan iyo laab la kac !! Q1-aad

La soco qormooyinka dambe…

Qorre: Saleebaan Cabdi Cali (Kalshaale)

Hargeysa

_________________________

November 3, 2015 | Elections in regular intervals for accountability and opportunity of change of poorly performing political leaders are one of the fundamental pillars of democratic governance. But, the legitimacy of 2016 election in Somalia is hugely compromised in advance by the serious charges of corruption and abuse of power repeatedly leveled against the leaders of the federal government. Therefore, the 2016 election could provoke political and security turmoil.

The 2012 selection process of the members of the Federal Parliament has been characterized corrupt because the powerholders and the international community controlled the design and implementation of the process through ad hoc structures (technical committees) and financial resources for buy-in. Traditional leaders took cue from the deal-making, behavior, and messages of their duplicitous handlers.

Again, the 2016 election goes through the same 2012 manipulation process because with the agreement of the international community, the current powerholders at national and regional levels secured unchecked political influence and resources to manipulate the rules of the game. As a solution, it is necessary that qualified and independent actors familiar with local conditions assume the responsibility of designing the electoral framework, while each constituency should be allowed to take full control of the implementation phase without external interferences.

From the outset, top leaders of the federal government took control of the inclusion or exclusion of members in the Somali National Consultative Leadership Forum (SNCLF) formed under the initiative of the international community to find an alternative to the cancelled 2016 “one person one vote election.” Members of parliament, cabinet, and judiciary from Isaq community issued a protest petition in which they complain their exclusion from SNCLF and demand 33% quota as northern community (Somaliland).The SNCLF brings together ill-assorted actors as a national decision making body on an alternative electoral model. It supplants the constitutional federal institutions.

The first plenary meeting of the SNCLF held in the exclusive “Green Zone” inside Mogadishu Airport issued ten-point communiqué which reaffirmed the no term extension for the federal parliament and the president. It also approved a facilitation guide as a basis for national consultative process concerning the advantages and disadvantages of the following four electoral models:

1. Formation of “National Electoral Caucus (NEC)” to elect 275 parliamentarians. The NEC will vote for political parties. Each political party will nominate a number of parliamentarians in proportion to the total votes received.
2. Formation of “State Electoral Caucus” in each Federal Member State for the election of number of parliamentarians to be allocated to each federal member states including Hiiraan/Middle Shabelle State, and Benadir Region State.
3. Formation of “District Electoral Caucuses” in each of the 92 districts that existed before 1991. Each “District Electoral Causus” will elect 3 parliamentarians. The total members of the federal parliament will be 276.
4. Formation of “sub clan Electoral Caucus” under the 4.5 clan system. Each sub clan will elect its allocated representatives. This model replicates the clan-based representation certified by the 135 traditional leaders.

In December, the NCLF will review the results of the consultations to be held in six locations: Garowe, Adado, Jowhar, Mogadishu, Baidoa, and Kismaio, and will pick up one electoral model. In January 2016, a High Level Partnership Forum (HLPF) to be held in Mogadishu and UN Security Council will support the selected electoral model. The expectation is that the campaign of 2016 election will start in February and conclude in September.

But, any hopeful expectation for a legitimate election in 2016 is defeated by the publications of series negative reports against the federal government and regional administrations. On October 19, Somalia and Eritrea UN Monitoring Group (SEMG) issued another damaging report for political malpractice, corruption, and abuse of power committed at all levels of the Somali government. The report details the resurgence of Al Shabab threats and reemergence of intercommunal conflicts for the ineptitude of the federal and regional governments, the bungled federation process of Jubbaland, Galmudug, and Southwest regional States, the plundering of natural resources (oil and gas), the privatization of maritime space, the violations of the ban on charcoal export, the obstruction of humanitarian assistance, the targeted civilians, the stealing of Somali National Army budget, and the bribery of members of the federal parliament.

In the case of the Interim Galmudug Administration, the report depicts brazen level of electoral corruption. The Group received information that cash payments between USD 10,000 to USD 30,000 were paid before the first round of presidential election while promises of political appointees both in Galmudug State and the Federal Government- were used to secure support in the last two rounds. Similar electoral corruption flunks the federation process of Hiiraan and Middle Shabelle regions.

The integrity and neutrality of Galmudug technical committee and of the newly formed National Independent Electoral Commission have been sullied by the pervasive perception that the officials of both entities as operatives of “Damul Jadid cartel” who dominate the federal government. The SEMG report makes public the persistent speculation that “senior government officials are attempting to use the independent electoral commission to shape the design of a selection process to strengthen their position in 2016.” Thus, the report points out that, “in 2016 the political stakes will be higher as will the overall threat posed to peace, security and stability in Somalia if greater efforts are not made by all stakeholders to engage in the next transition process constructively.”

These serious warnings should get the attention of Somali Elite and the international community to act preemptively to save the inadequate and halting efforts of statebuilding and peacebuilding. Albert Einstein said, “Peace is not merely the absence of war but the presence of justice, of law, of order-in short, of government.” Baruch Spinoza added that peace is a virtue, a state of mind, a disposition for benevolence, and confidence. Indeed, claim of peace requires a lot more than claims of killing or repulsing suicide attackers after devastating human casualties and incalculable property destruction.

To obviate the grave concerns about the legitimacy of 2016 election, two constructive suggestions merit due consideration: (1) the recusal or removal of the leaders of the federal government and regional administrations from the participation in the 2016 political election and (2) the prevention of foreign influence and resources in the next election. Foreign and domestic manipulations will foment public disaffection and concomitant political and security instability.

Below are several reasons to persuade the powerholders to withdraw from the political competition in 2016:

1. The failure of implementing obligations outlined in the provisional constitution, the Somali Compact, the Vision 2016, the six pillars agenda, and the critical recommendations issued by more than 5 national conferences held in Mogadishu between 2013 and 2015.
2. The serious negative consequences on the legitimacy and performance of the federal institutions, civil servants, and security forces caused by political infightings that led to the removal of two prime ministers and their cabinet.
3. The constitutional breaches, abuse of power, corruption, and other illegal activities listed in the impeachment motion against the President.
4. The endemic corruption and misappropriation of public resources, the growing problems of governance, all reported in the last three UN Monitoring Group reports, the International Transparency reports, the International Crisis Group Briefings, Human Rights Watch reports, the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General reports, and in the public opinions.
5. The paralysis and bribery culture of members of the federal parliament, accused of exchanging “votes for cash,” allegations now under consideration by the UN Security Council. The UN Monitoring Group writes, “The practice of “votes for cash” is so engrained that a network of brokers has emerged since the end of the transition, tasked with purchasing the allegiance of willing members of parliament and threating those that refuse.”
6. The suspension of international donor assistance due to the lack of confidence in the public financial management of the federal government.
7. The violation of the primacy of the principles of national sovereignty, territorial integrity, and Somali interest.
8. The first permanent federal government of Somalia, established in 2012 after 12 years of transitional governments, not only squandered exceptional promising opportunities for Somali statebuilding, but it leaves behind intractable problems difficult to resolve within the next term. The participation of no law-abiding federal leaders and regional administrations in 2016 election will result impaired legitimacy and acceptability of predatory politics. Kleptocratic government is not eligible to design and manage elections.

.

Mr. Mohamud M Uluso

mohamuduluso@gmail.com

____________________________________

Qalinkii: Saleebaan Kalshaale | November 13, 2015 | Wasiirka Wasaarada Caafimaadka Somaliland Saleeban Ciise Axmed (Xaglo-toosiye), waxa uu xaqiijiyey guul siyaasaddeed oo uu ku bedelay falsafad siyaasaddeed oo gaamurtay, taasoo suurto-galnimada in loo babac dhigaan ay Hal-xidhaale ku ahayd Bulshada Somaliland, maalmo ka hor qabsoomida Shirkii Golaha dhexe ee Kulmiye oo uu kamid ahaa Murrashaxiintii u tartamay Jagada madaxweyne ku-xigeenka.

Saleebaan Ciise Axmed oo ah Siyaasi u da’ yar hankiisa, heerka uu hadda joogana ku soo gaadhay hayaan dheer oo uu halgan iyo howl badan u soo maray, humaagiisa Siyaasaddeedna laga dheehanayo hadaf iyo himilooyin higsanaya in la helo wadaag maamul iyo midnimo dawlad dadka Somaliland ee hoos hadhsanayaa u simanyihiin hogaaminteeda, waxa la isku raacsanyahay in loolankiisa Murrashaxnimo gaadhsiiyey mustawe Siyaasaddeed oo uu ku kasbaday taageero iyo sumcad aanu haysan ka hor intaanu is-sharixin,taasoo uu ka helay Bulshada rayidka ah iyo kooxaha Siyaasada dhexdoodaba.

Dr. Xaglo-toosiye, wallow aanu ku guulaysan Madaxweyne ku-xigeenka Xisbiga Kulmiye uga qayb-geli doona tartanka Doorashada Madaxtinimada ee soo socota, hase ahaatee wuxuu muujiyey dareen Siyaasaddeed oo dhinac walba marka laga eego guul u ah isaga iyo shacbiga Somaliland oo dhan, rejo iyo rayn-rayn hor leh-na ku beeray Bulshada ku dhaqan Gobolada uu ka soo jeedo.

Wuxuu furay albaab cusub oo ay hore ugu dhici waayeen, kana maagayeen inay garaacaan Siyaasiyiinta ay isku haybta yihiin ee hargeysa joogay tan iyo markii Somaliland gooni-isutaaga ku dhawaaqday, kana qayb-qaatay dhismihii dawladnimada.

Xaglo-toosiye Wuxuu ku yidhi Somaliland; “aynu wax wada yeellano, aynu wadaagno hogaaminta dalka, aynu si siman ugu loollano saaxada..si lamida saami-qaybsiga, khayraadka i yo dhaqaalaha waddanka aynu u sinaanno garoonka Siyaasada”. Waxa la aaminsanyahay inuu xaq ku addimay.

Waxa iyaduna arrin cajiiba ahayd jawaabtii uu ka bixiyey natiijada cod-bixintii Golaha dhexe, taasoo; inkasta oo ay taageerayaashiisa qaar ku dooddeen in khaladdaad iyo wax is-daba marini ay dhacday intii doorashada Murrashaxa Madaxweyne ku-xigeenku socotay, si xeelladaysana loogu shubay Madaxweyne ku-xigeenka Cabdiraxmaan Saylici oo ay wada galeen hirdan adag oo aan hore saaxada uga dhicin noociisu, haddana ku qancida maxsuulkii doorashadu waxa lagu tilmaami karaa go’aan uu bilad geesi ku mutaystay.

Arrinta labaad ee soo jiidatay indhaha ka qayb-galeyaasha Shirka, sida aadka ahna loogu boggay waxay ahayd habkii taageerada uu uga helay xubnaha Golaha dhexe ee madasha shirka, taasoo tilmaan ka bixisay waafinimada shacbiyadiisa. Waxaana u codeeyey taageerayaal kasoo kala jeeda Lawyo-caddo ilaa Laasqoray oo sida la xaqiiqsanyahay kula socday mabda’ Siyaasaddeed oo aan gacan ku dhallow ahayn.

Waxa ka coddeeyey xubno ay isku-gobollo ka soo jeedaan iyo kuwo aanu filayn inay ka soo horjeesan doonaan oo uu kamid yahay Madaxweyne Axmed Siilaanyo oo si cad uga raacay Cabdiraxmaan Saylici, halka isna taas cakiskeeda uu cod ka helay qaar kale oo ay hayb-wadaag yihiin Madaxweyne ku-xigeenka, sida Wasiirka Boosaha iyo Isgaadhsiinta iyo xubno kale. Waxaanay doorashada noocaas ahi iyaduna tusaale wanaagsan u tahay koboca koritaanka Siyaasaddeed ee dimuquraadiga ah iyo in laga gudbayo hab-doorasheedka qabyaalada ku dhisan.

Shirkii kaddib

Laga soo bilaabo maalintii koowaad ee Shirka, saacado kaddib markii doorashada Murrashaxiinta laga faraxashay, waxa bulshada dhex sabbaynayay warar aan sal iyo raad toona lahayn oo sheegaya in Wasiir xaglo-toosiye istiqaalad qoray, isla uu iska casilayo xilka uu xukuumadda ka hayo. Wararkani marka loo dhabbo-galo waxay ka soo duul-duulayaan dhinaca kooxda qaadacday Shirka Kulmiye iyo taageerayaashooda. Waxa kale oo Siyaasiyiinta Shirka Kulmiye ka dudday iyo kuwa asxaabta Mucaaridka ahba ka soo yeedhayey dhaliilo loo jeedinayo natiijada Shirkaas , iyadoo aad moodo inay si gaar ah carrabka ugu balaadhinaya arrinta Wasiir xaglo-toosiye oo haka hadleene ay aad u buun-buuninayaan, inkastoo uu xaq u leeyahay in loo dooddo, haddii laga eexday ama laga galay khalad kale oo lagu khiyaamay.

Dhambaalada lagu damqayo dareenka Siyaasigan dib u kabashada u baahan, laguna dil-dilaacinayo Dadweynaha taageersanaa kolkii hore iyo kuwa uu iminka kasbaday quluubtooda, waxa lagu fasiri karaa aragtida Siyaasiga ah, barmaamuj lagu khal-khal gelinayo mowqifka Xaglo-toosiye iyo midnimada Qaranka. Dhawaaqyada Dhaleecaynta tartanka lagaga guulaystay Wasiirka ee ay jeedinayaan kooxda uu hogaaminayo Wasiirkii hore ee Maaliyada Cabdicasiis Maxamed Samaale, waxa kale oo ka dhadhamaya qorshe ay ugu gacan haadinayaan fagaaraha go’doonka ah ee ay ka joogaan kaalintii ay ku lahaayeen Xisbiga Kulmiye, taasoo ay uga gol-leeyihiin inay ku buuxsadaan yooyootankooda dambe, kuna furtaan waddo cusub oo ay daliilshadaan dhaleecayntooda, waayo waxa ka dhamaaday kaadhkii hore ee ay isticmaalayeen.

Xaglo-toosiye iyo Mustaqbalka

Ma qabo, mana muuqato, isna wuu caddeeyey inaanu iscasilayn ee uu hankiisa siyaasaddeed sii wadayo ilaa uu ka gun gaadhayo. Waxa kale oo uu wacad ku maray midnimada Somaliland iyo mabda’iisa ku aaddan. Haddii ku taagnaado mowqifkan oo aanu talo qaldan qaadan, waxa hubaal ah inay mustaqbalka dhow hor iman doonto fursada Siyaasaddeed ee uu maanta lumiyey.

Ugu dambeyn; Inkasta oo aan la saadaalin isbedellada Siyaasaddeed ee Xisbiyada wakhtigan, haddana si guud marka loo eego ma jirro jaanis dhow oo uga banaan Xisbiyada Mucaaridka dhexdooda, haddii uu sad ku ogyahayna waxaan filayaa inaanu u laba lugoodiyeen ee uu hore go’aan u gaadhi lahaa.

.

Qorre: Saleeban Cabdi Cali (Kalshaale)

Suxufi ka faalooda Arrimaha Siyaasada

Hargeysa

_______________________________

South Africa | QOL | November 13, 2015 – Wadanka South Africa oo sida magiciisa ka muuqata kuyaala Koonfurta Qaarada Afrika,ayna ku kulmaan labada badood ee Badweeynta Hindiya iyo Badda Atlaantic,

Waxa uu xuduud la leeyahay Wadamada Muzanbiig, Zinbaawi, Nabiibiya, waxaa intaa dheer Wadanka Lesotho,oo ku yaala bartamaha Wadanka South Africa.

sida ku cad Taariikhda South Africa Dadkii u soo horeeyay waxa Ay isugu jiraan qaar inta la og yahay degganaa qeybo kamida Wadanka,iyo kuwo xiliyo dhexe ka soo hijrooday waqooyiga Qaaradda  Afrika .waxaa ku soo xigay oo Wadanka soo dagay Dadyoow ka kala yimid yurub gaar ahaan Netherland iyo Britain,waxaa sidoo kale Dadka Wadanka dagan ka mid ah, Dadka loo yaqaan Coloured ama Midabka oo aan lagu tirin Caddaanka ama madoowga midna.

Dadka South africaanka ah waa ilaa 50 milyan,74% waa Dadka Madoowga ah badankooda waxey daganyihiin Tuulooyinka baadiyaha ah, dadka Cadaanka ah waa 12% waxa ay dagaan Magaalooyinka, ayagaana gacanta ku haaya dhaqaalaha Wadanka, Dadka loo yaqaano Midabka ama ( kalarka) waa 12% ayagane waxa ay dagaan Magaalooyinka iyo Tuulooyinka intaba, inttii ay yimaadeen Caddaankii yurub ka yimid waxaa Wadanka la keenay Dad adoonsi ahaan loo keenay,oo qaarkood laga keenay Wadamada Aasiya iyo Afrika,iyo Dad u badnaa shaqaale oo iyaguna laga keenay Wadamo kala duwan.

Caddaankii rer yurub dagaallo qaabab kala duwan leh oo ay qaar la galeen qabaa’il ka mid ah Dadkii Madoowga ahaa ee Wadanka uga soo horeeyay iyo Dagaal iyaga rer yurub ahaan dhexdooda kadib wuxuu Wadanka galay Gumeeysigii midab kala sooca sanadkii 1948, kaasoo dhamaaday sanadkii 1994,waxaa markii ugu horeeysay la qabtay Doorasho uu ku guuleeystay Madaxweeynihii caanka ahaa oo ka soo jeeday Dadka Madoowga ah,Nelson Mandela oo 27 sano Xabsi ku jiray lana soo daayay 2_dii febraayo sanadkii 1990 kii. Xisbiga ANC ayaa xiligaa ilaa hadda 2015,hayo Dowladnimada South Africa.

Wadanka South Afica,waa Wadan ka Hurmaray Dhan kasta, haday ahaan laheed, Dhaqaalaha, Siyaasadda, Milatariga, Dhismooyinka, Caafimaadka, waxaa ku yaala Kumanaan Xaruma Caafimaad ah,waxaa ka mid ah,Isbitaalo waaweyn oo Casri ah,Sida Isbitaalka Weyn ee Kalbarema.

14-10 -2015, maalin Talaado ah,ayaa waxaa iga Xanuunsatay Gabadheeyda aan Jeclahay,ee

Rayaan Macalin Mukhtaar,waxaan Geeyay Isbitaalka Weyn ee Kalbarema Hosbitaal,5 Maal mood ayaan kula jiray,waxaa ila qumanaatay in aan lawadaago, Dadweeynaha Soomaaliyeed meel ay joogaanba,wax yaabihii aan ku soo arkay.

Isbitaalka sida ku cad magaciisa, waxaa loogu magacdaray wasiirkii caafimaadka south Africa, Dr Karl Bremer ee xilka hayay sanadihii 1951 – 1953 dii,waxa uuna ahaa wasiirkii 9 gaalaad ee qabta Xilka wasiirka Caafimaadka South Africa, Isbitaalka waxa uu Hoos yimaadaa Isbitaalka weeyn ee TYGERBERG HOSBITAL.

Waxyaabihii aan ku soo arkay, Waxaa ugu muhiim sanaa 1: Cadaan Cilmi badan, Madow Miskiin ah iyo Kalar karti Daran.

*Cadaan Cilmi badan,umadaha ku nool Aduunka aynu manta joogno,waxa ay aaminsanyihiin badan kood, in Cadaanka Reer Galbeedka ah, Cid kasta ka horeeyo, waa marka ay timaado dhanka Cilmiga Aduunyada, Nabi Muxamed SCW, waxa uu yiri “Qiyaamaha waxa ay dhaceysaa Ayada oo Reer Galbeedka Cadaanka ah ay badanyihiin”taa waxa ay natusinee in Dadka

Cadaanka Reer Galbeedka aynan sahlaneyn, waxa ay u jiraayaan ilaa Qiyaamaha, waa Cilmigooda iyo kala danbeeyntooda, iyo Caawinta ay Caawinaayaan Masaakiinta,

Cadaanka South Africa ee  Qoriga afkiisa ku gumeeystay, 21 sano ka hor, maantane Qalinka Afkiisa ayeey ku gumeeystaan Dadka ku nool South Africa, maxaa yeelay Isbitaalka Kalbareema, kuma arkin hal dhaqtar oo Madow ama Cid kale ah, Dhaqaatiirta Rag ha ahaadeen ama Dumar ha ahaadeen, waa uun Cadaan, waxaan is weeydiiyay marka aaway Dadkii kale,ileen Cadaanka South Africa, waxa uu ku jiraa Qowmiyadaha ugu tirade yar, waxaan kaloo Isbitaalka ka waayay Ruux Cadaan ah oo Xanuunsan, marka  waxaan is Dhahay Cadaanka South Africa Maxanuunsadaan miyaa? !

*Madow Miskiin ah, dadka Dicaayadeeya Dadyowga Madowga ah, ee badankood ku nool yihiin Africa, waxa ay dhahaan “Madowga sida ay u madowyihiin, ayuu Qalbigoodane u Madow yahay”Hadalkaas Sax maahan,balse waxaan leeyahay,Dadka Madow,waxaad moodaa in aynan Danlaheeyn,ee lagu Daneeysto.

Isbitaalka Kalbarema waxaan ku arkay Tiro aad u yar oo Kalkaalisooyin Madow  ah,kuwaa oo runtii aan naftooda ku kal sooneeyn, Jecelne inta hareeraha iska fiiriyaan in ay iska fariistaan, marka ay arkaan Ruux Cadaan ah oo soo socdane ka booda fadhiga iskana dhiga Ruux shaqo ku jira oo kale, gaar ahaan marka ay arkaan Dhaqaatiirta Cadaanka waa ayba gariiraan, oo Juuqada ayeeyba gabaan.

.

La soco Qaybta 2aad ee Maqaalka.  

W\Q : Macalin Mukhtaar SH Cabdiraxmaan “Macalin Dugsi”

E-mail: Kumaatahay@hotmail.com

_________________________

November 19, 2015 – The purpose of this article is to provide rationale and guidelines for the adoption and implementation of “Clan Based 2016 Electoral Model” as the better option between the four Electoral models suggested by Somalia National Consultative Leadership Forum (SNCLF). The four electoral models are: (1) Political Party Representation, (2) Regional State (Federal Member State) Representation, (3) District Representation, and (4) Clan representation. The other three models requires the existence of well-designed legal framework, reliable institutions, voter registration, and extensive civic education to fulfill the tasks of pre-election, election, and post-election periods. But, none of these tasks has been undertaken.

Preference for 4.5 Clan Representation

In reaction to the cancellation of 2016 free and fair election “one person one vote” and the decision not to go back to the flawed 2012 selection process made through 135 traditional leaders, the Somali people faces the challenge of agreeing on an alternative electoral model for the election of 275 members of the federal parliament. The proposed four models suggest an “electoral caucus” which means that each Member of 2016 Parliament will be elected by at least one hundred voters.

The 4.5 clan formula used since 2000 has coped reasonably with the social friction and stabilized the power contest between Somali Communities. It is seen as the less harmful model while the other three electoral models are susceptible for manipulations and not suitable for political inclusion. The deficiencies and non-suitability of other three electoral systems emanate from the fragmentation and polarization persisting among Somali Stakeholders.

The 2016 clan based electoral model allows all sub clans represented in the 2012 federal parliament to democratically elect rather than select their representatives. Each of the four clans – Dir, Darod, Digil and Mirifle, and Hawiye will elect 61 deputies, while the fifth clan will elect 31 deputies. The breakdown of the members of parliament to be elected by each sub clan constituency is shown in the table below.

The distribution of MPs within five clans and sub clans is complex and not without grievances. As caveat, each clan may reconsider the distribution for compromise and harmony. However, the responsibility of reaching consensus on the matter should remain within each clan.

Unquestionably, the clan plays a central role in the Somali society in terms of identity and allegiance. While Somalis are proud of their Somali identity, clan identity, which is part of the Somali culture, provides individual inclusivity and protection. Clan identity is also the stepping stone for national reconciliation and peacebuilding.

Within the clan community, the traditional leaders exercise influential role and are promoters of peace and social coexistence. They are beholders of custom and norms, and enforcers of agreements. Despite the existence of the federal government and interim regional administrations, clan elders are first responders to any intercommunal violence and they always succeed in bringing down tensions and differences. 75% of Somalis trust the traditional system for conflict resolution compare to federal government institutions because of the pervasive corruption. Hence, traditional leaders including religious leaders and influential elders are able to responsibly lead the electoral process.

But before going into the discussion of the practical guidelines, it is important to underscore critical assumptions, precondition measures, and guiding principles that would enhance the legitimacy and integrity of 2016 election and improve the success of statebuilding and peacebuilding.

Assumptions:

1. Clan affiliation doesn’t cause personal failure, dishonesty and incompetence, abuse of power, stealing, and injustice. Tradition, religion, and constitutions teach human values.
2. Relevance of the maintenance of formal balance of power within various segments of the Somali society until “one person one vote” election takes place.
3. Critical need for free election from corruption, malpractice, frauds, and manipulations paramount. Electoral corruption undermines social bond and degenerates into political violence.
4. Major sources of corruption are from state institutions-executive, election, and judiciary, and electoral commission, from the level of corruption within government, and from the visible and invisible hands of foreign actors.
5. Involvement and influence of the federal, regional governments, national independent electoral commission, and the international community sustain public disenfranchisement, and spoil legitimacy of the outcome of the electoral process.
6. Equality of man and women in the representation of clan constituency.
7. Failure of the federal government to fulfil the promise of free and fair 2016 political election justifies a major concern for the integrity of responsible leaders.
8. Each Member of Parliament represents roughly 40,000 Somali Citizens.

Necessary measures before 2016 Election:

1. Complete, coherent, and clear Provisional Constitution which guarantees the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of Somalia under the authority of unified system of government.
2. Establishment of trustworthy Constitutional Court that inspires strong public confidence.
3. 2016 members of parliament must be prohibited from holding any other public or private positions than the constituency representation in the parliament for the purpose of enhancing the parliamentary oversight responsibility and avoiding permanent conflict of interest.
4. Undertaking of concrete actions to root out the endemic corruption, abuse of power, and monopoly of public media. The establishment of international watchdog mechanism that campaigns against all kinds of corruption and electoral manipulations should receive high priority.
5. Rules and directives for Equitable Access to State media and resources by all contestants before the end of 2015.
6. Exclusion of leaders of the Federal Government and Regional Administrations from the participation of 2016 political competition.

Guiding Principles of 2016 Election

In partial amendment to the guiding principles published by the SNCLF, the 2016 electoral process must satisfy the following Guiding Principles:

1. 2016 electoral model process must be vetted by Somali Experts on election and politics, and it must be agreed by legitimate and well-versed representatives of the people of Somalia. The format used for the Consultative process on electoral models was superficial, non-substantive, and far from best practices of electoral consultation.
2. Representation of the diverse constituencies of the people of Somalia must consolidate territorial integrity, unity, and public interest.
3. 2016 Electoral process shall be sub clan constituency-owned, constituency-led process in terms of management and dispute resolution. The voters or members of the electoral caucuses will be selected in accordance with constituency custom and norms.
4. Clan representation incorporates the geographic and gender representation. In addition, the local parliaments and institutions of Interim Regional Administrations will fulfill the functions and needs of geographic representation in the framework of the federal system.
5. Clan based electoral process will adhere to the democratic electoral principles of accountability, transparency, and fairness.
6. Traditional conflict resolution mechanism will handle electoral complaints. The federal government and the international community should not side with anyone who frivolously attempt to distort constituency agreed conflict resolution mechanism on election.
7. Recognition of the federal parliament as representative of both the people and federal member states of Somalia.

Guidelines for the implementation of clan based electoral model:

1. All clan constituencies will held a General Assembly for electing an Electoral Leadership Council (ELC) of 5 members, Electoral Secretariat (ES) of 3 members, and Review Committee (RC) of 5 members with the responsibility of managing the election. The RC will be composed of qualified members of the constituency to advice ELC on good management practices.
2. Names and Signatures of the ELC, ES, and RC will be communicated to a National Monitoring Body composed of Somali Civil Society and nan-Somali Actors.
3. Members of ELC, ES, and RC must respect common sense of good conduct and ethics to ensure the integrity of 2016 electoral process.
4. The ELC and ES will provide true information about the management of the electoral process to the civil society, federal government, and interim regional administrations for cooperation and shared interests.
5. The ELC, ES, and RC will sign the certificate of the elected MP.
6. All Parliament seats assigned to each sub clan constituency will be competitive.
7. Candidates for each MP seats should be between 2-5 individuals. The ELC, ES, RC, and constituency elite will decide on the elimination process of candidates over the limit of 5.
8. Each Candidate must hold at least three public meetings with constituency to present his or her political agenda and opportunity for questions and answers.
9. Each constituency will select 200 voters from the different segments of the constituency: traditional leaders 20, women and youth 80, religious leaders and intellectuals 50, business and politicians 50. Representatives of Disabled group will be included. Then, a day before the election, 100 Electorate will be drawn through a lottery process from the 200 pool of prospective voters. Each MP must get majority votes for winning.
10. Candidates will have the opportunity to raise objections about individual voter month before election date for improper selection and corruption. The ELC in consultation with RC will finally decide on the objection of the candidates.
11. Selected voters must cast their vote as national duty.
12. Selected electorate will be sworn in before casting their votes for the best interests of the Somali people and Constituency and not for personal interests, for bribe, and nepotism.
13. The voting system will be secret held in public, watched by candidates, their representatives, media, civil society representatives, and other observers.
14. The voting for each MP will go through three rounds.
15. The voting cards will be destroyed after the declared results are not contested for irregularity, but the winner’s information will be submitted to the parliament for the record,
16. Duration of 2016 election will be one week from Saturday July 16 2016 to Thursday July 21, 2016.
17. Each constituency will select the most suitable location for voting. As of today, some of the locations candidate for voting include Bosaso, Garowe, Galkaio, Adado, Dhusa Mareb, Abudwaaq, Beletwein, Bulo Burte, Jowhar, Bal’ad, Mogadishu, Afgoi, Marka, Wanla-wein, Barawe, Dinsor, Kismaio, Bardhere, Luq, Garbaharrey, Huddur, Baidoa, and others.
18. Each Constituency will announce the voting location three months before the election date.
19. The elected MP will lose seat if within one year emerge disqualification information through court system.
20. Each Constituency has the responsibility to elect its representative in accordance with agreed date. Otherwise, the seat will be assigned to other constituency of the clan through a lottery process.
21. Each Leadership Council should be supported with USD 100,000 for each MP. The Federal Government and donors will pay USD 60,000 for each MP, while each constituency will raise USD 40,000 per MP. Sources of Constituency contribution will be documented. All other payments will be considered corruption for disqualification.
22. With few exceptions, each constituency will follow the same guidelines for replacement of deceased or resigned MP.

The table below shows the competitive parliamentary seats assigned to each sub clan constituency under the 4.5 clan power-sharing formula.

Table: Breakdown of Clan Constituencies and Competitive MP Seats

The Somali people is distressed by uncertain future and the mismanagement and manipulation of 2016 election would worsen the situation. The clan based election model serves primarily not to deteriorate further the problematic situation.

.

Mr. Mohamud M Uluso

mohamuduluso@gmail.com

___________________________

By Isaac Muhammad – The president of France Francois Hollande’s response to Friday’s cruel attacks in France, now claimed by the Islamic State, was instantaneous, direct and adamant. “We are going to lead a war which will be pitiless,” he declared.

The question is whether further war can provide an antidote to the problem at hand: A region that is disoriented with thousands dying each month; a merciless destruction on humanity, and hundreds of thousands forced to seek safer place to live, and a resulting disaster overflow into the outside world “France, Turkey, and Lebanon” to name a few.

Surprisingly, history dictates us differently. Back in the 1980s the Soviet Union exhausted attempting to appease Afghanistan and succeeded only in killing hundreds of thousands if not a million Afghans. Similarly, the United States attempted to pacify Iraq and ended up producing similarly destabilizing results. By the time US troops withdrew in 2011, “something like 200,000 Iraqis had died, most of them civilians. Today Iraq teeters on the brink of disintegration.” ~Perhaps if the Russians had tried harder or the Americans had stayed longer, they might have achieved a more favorable outcome. Yet that qualifies as a speculative possibility at best~.

By almost any measure, no doubt, the West enjoys the advantage of clear-cut military superiority in this conflict, stronger than its enemies, superior arsenals, more sophisticated weapons, better trained and educated in the art of war generals, and better fed, paid, equipped, and trained fighters. But yet most of this has proven to be irrelevant at all in this war against terrorism. Time and again the actual employment of that ostensibly superior military might has produced results other than those intended or anticipated. Even where armed intervention has achieved a semblance of tactical success — the ousting of some unsavory dictator, for example — it has yielded neither reconciliation nor willing submission nor even sullen compliance. Instead, intervention typically serves to aggravate, inciting further resistance. Rather than putting out the fires of radicalism, we end up feeding them.

The fact is that United States and its European allies face a disconcerting tactical conundrum. Collectively they find themselves locked in a protracted conflict with groups of Islamic radicalism [ISIS, Al-Qaida, Al-Shabab, Boko Haram, and others], with prospects of ending this conflict anytime soon appear to be nil. Alas, so too do prospects of winning it.

Vowing to pour yet more fuel on that fire, Hollande and other Western leaders exhibit a crippling absence of ingenuity when it comes to the Islamic world. ‘Simply trying harder will not avail as a basis of policy.’ -It’s past time for the West, and above all for the United States as the West’s primary military power, to consider trying something different-.

As one said, “Rather than assuming an offensive posture, the West should revert to a defensive one. Instead of attempting to impose its will on the Greater Middle East, it should erect barriers to protect itself from the violence emanating from that quarter. Rather than vainly attempting to police or control, seek to understand to prevent.”

.

______________________

Isaac Muhammad is the founder and the Chairman of the Legacy Center for Peace and Transparency, a think tank organization dedicated to fighting corruption, building peace, and democratic society in Somalia. He has a master’s degree in Business Administration from Hamline University School of Business and Bachelor’s degree in Accounting from Metropolitan State University. Follow him on twitter @Isaacmuhammad1

A functional part of a dysfunctional country   |

Oct 17th 2015 | HARGEISA | SAHRA HALGAN , a musician, fled Hargeisa in northern Somalia in 1991. The city she left was a smoking ruin; most of the population was scattered. But in 2013, after 22 years living in France and working as a cleaner, she felt the urge to return. “I love France, but my country is called Somaliland,” she says. And so she set up a restaurant. At weekends, it fills up with Coca-Cola-sipping young men in smart shirts and women in bright silk head-dresses. Musicians strum the lute-like oud and sing folk songs, as plates of camel meat and spiced rice circulate and the audience hold up their iPhones to take selfies.

Stories such as Ms Halgan’s abound in Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, a breakaway region which declared independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991. Unlike Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia proper, Hargeisa is broadly safe, and undergoing a remarkable economic boom. On its dusty streets, goats compete for space with Land Cruisers; new businesses such as “the English Beauty Salon” and “the Scandinavian hotel” are everywhere. In cafés Somalis with accents from London, Minnesota and Amsterdam sip frappuccinos. The boom is an indicator of how successful other parts of Somalia could be if the fighting could be stopped. But it also comes with tensions that could undermine the fragile peace.

Almost every building in Hargeisa has been constructed in the past two decades. In the city centre a Russian-built MiG is mounted on a crudely painted plinth: a relic from the Somali civil war, which ran from the late 1980s until 1991, when the city was comprehensively destroyed by Siad Barre, Somalia’s last military dictator. The war convinced many that they wanted nothing to do with any government in Mogadishu. On the plinth is the date “26th June”, the day on which, in 1960, Somaliland gained its independence from Britain, five days before it formally joined Somalia, newly independent from Italy. Most Somalilanders think the union was a mistake.

Recovery began with refugees sending money home through the hawala system (see related article). It accelerated dramatically in 2009, when Saudi Arabia lifted a nine-year ban on imports of livestock from Somalia. Last year some 5m animals were exported, more than for 20 years. The animal trade generates money which can be spent on consumer goods: shops are full of Vietnamese clothes and Chinese electronics. That in turn creates opportunities for investment, and so diaspora Somalis who had previously mostly sent money home began to set up businesses. They have helped to build a world-class mobile-phone network, a fibre-optic broadband link to Djibouti and a mobile-money system which is one of the most widely used in Africa.

Mahdi Abdi moved to Hargeisa in 2013 from the suburbs of Washington, DC; he had left Mogadishu in the 1970s as a teenager. In his American twang, he jokes about his mid-life crisis. “I had the house in the ’burbs, the dog, the business, everything.” But Hargeisa seemed more exciting. In his dental clinic he proudly shows off imported equipment with which he can build proper crowns and dentures—unknown until now in Somaliland.

Those who have lived abroad have plenty of advantages. Those with foreign passports can travel to business meetings. In a country where the local currency is traded in brick-sized bundles, they have greater access to foreign money (almost all large transactions are dollarised). Most of all they have education, which, 20 years after the civil war, is sorely lacking. More than a dozen universities have opened in Hargeisa over the past decade or so, hawking degrees to hopeful youngsters (the median age in Somalia is around 17). But few trust their quality.

But not all members of the diaspora are welcome. Newcomers are buying up land, pushing up property prices—which, in a country with a creaking legal system, can lead to bloody disputes. Their teenage children, whom Somalilanders often send home for the summer, are accused of flashing money around, flirting and generally making a nuisance of themselves. And tension simmers between two different diaspora groups: Westerners, and those from Saudi Arabia, Yemen and the other Gulf states. Like Mr Abdi and Ms Halgan, Westerners tend to get busy setting up businesses such as cafés, restaurants and clinics. Those back from the Gulf, by contrast, are more involved in the import and export trades, livestock and the construction industry—through which they can exert a worrying political influence.

“This society used to be half-African, half-Muslim, not too deeply religious,” says one well-connected Somalilander. “Now the Wahhabis are everywhere.” The country’s early democracy has faltered: an election in Somaliland planned for this year has been delayed, ostensibly because of problems organising it. Corruption is endemic, and the media is seldom critical. Dissent is increasingly dangerous, particularly on the fraught issue of national identity. On September 27th, four musicians were arrested on their return to Somaliland: they had apparently waved a Somalian flag at a gig in Mogadishu. They were released only after widespread protests.

Still, life remains much better than in Mogadishu, where car-bombs and shootings continue to punctuate the night. The question is what happens next. Independence, most think, is a pipe-dream: politicians in Mogadishu are unlikely to want to lose a substantial chunk of the country. African neighbours such as Ethiopia, whose troops guarantee security in much of the rest of Somalia, will not approve either; nor, for that matter, will the West. No country has yet recognised Somaliland’s self-declared independence. But for a million or so Somalis living abroad, Hargeisa offers a model for how they might return to their homeland and to try to rebuild. If only the rest of Somalia could catch up.

.

__________________________

Muqdisho | QOL | November 25, 2015 –  Koox yar oo dhaqan kelitalisnimo leh ayaa madaxtooyada Soomaaliya taladeeda ku hogaamiya dulmi iyo shar ay ka dhalatay hogaanxumo sababtay in dalka uu ka dhaco isbedel siyaasadeed oo ay shacabka Soomaaliyeed mahdiyaan. Shaqsiyaadka horkacaya koox-diimeedkaas ayaa ku faashilmay hogaaminta wasaaradaha dowlada dhexe iyo madaxtinimada dalka, waxeyna hadda ku soo firxadeen maamul-goboleedyada oo ay dhaqaale ku maquuninayaan sidii ay u hanan lahayeen hogaamintooda. Wixii ka dhacay Cadaado cidina ma mooga.

Degmada Cadaado si loo doorto musharaxa Damu-Jadiid waxey kaliftay in beesha degta degaanka lagu furto taageeradeeda lacag dhan 120 milyan oo loo bixiyey laalush kala ah lacag cadaana, guryo, baabuur, xilal, qandaraasyo, dhulal, iyo hub. Doorashada wadaadkaas Damu-Jadiid wuxuu ahaa mid ka turjumaysa rabitaanka kooxda ka talisa madaxtooyada Soomaaliya, wuxuuna horjoogahaas u xilsaaran yahay fulinta maslaxada kooxdaas oo ah mid aan waafaqsaneyn danaha shacabka degaanka. Dadka degaanka kuma qancin guushiisa, waxeyna cabsi ka qabaan in si calooshi-u-shaqeystanimo uu ugu adeegto dhalinyarada oo uu ka dhigto ciidamo uu ka kireysto wadamada carabta iyo odeyaasha dhaqanka oo uu damiirkooda ku dilo dhuuniqaadnimo. Damu-Jadiid dhaqaalaheeda waxey ku dooneysaa iney xoog u kaashato, colaadna ay u horseedaan maamulada ay ka taliyaan.

Tijaabada u horeysa waxey noqotay Gaalkacyo oo ay ka taagneyd wareer ku saabsan cida ay hoos imaaneyso maamulkeeda. Puntland daacad kama ahan iney la dagaalanto Damu-Jadiid, waxaana ka dhexeeya qorshooyin qarsoon laakiin ay shacabkeeda ugu been-guureyso xayxeydashada bilaashka ah. Sida ku cad xogta dowlada dhexe oo la aqbalsiiyey bulshada caalamka waxey xuseysaa in gobolka mudug uu ka mid noqdo maamulka Galmudug, waxaana dabray Puntland dastuurka ay Soomaalida u soo diyaarisay iyadoon ka fekerin caqabada uu ku keeni karo riyada uu qabo maamul-goboleedkooda. Puntland waxey ku fashilantay iney muranka Mudug siyaasad ku xaliso oo runta ay u sheegto shacabkeeda iyo siyaasadaha qarsoon oo ay heshiiskooda ku doorsatay.

Puntland iyo Damu-Jadiid ayaa dhinacyo badan heshiis ka ah, waxaana taas marqaati kaaga filan sida Damu-Jadiid ay Puntland ugu laaluusheen xilka raisulwasaaraha, safiiro muhiim ah, iyo kaalinta Puntland ay ku yeelaneyso dib u eegista dastuurka. Xodxodoshadaas waxey sababtay in Puntland ay qeyb ka noqoto damaca Damu-Jadiid ay ku boobeyso xukunka marka la gaaro doorashada 2016ka. Waxaa jira balanqaadyo qarsoon oo ka dhexeeya labada dhinac ee ku saabsan sidii loo qeybsan lahaa dowladda la dhisayo doorashada kadib, waxeyna u muuqata in Puntland talo gacmahooda ka sii baxayaan, meel ay ka noqotana aysan joogin.

Ismaan-dhaafka aan micnaha lahayn ee ka soo muuqda labada dhinac wuxuu ku saleysan yahay awooda Damu-Jadiid ay ku yeelaneyso dowladaha ka dhismaya maamul-goboleedyada dalka, taas oo meel cidlo ah soo taageysa Puntland oo dagaaladu ay ka heystaan dhinac walba sida, Khaatumo, Somaliland, Al-Shabaab, iyo Galmudug. Qaladaadka ugu weyn ee uu galay hogaanka Puntland waa inuu ka gaabiyey siyaasadaha lagu caabinayo horornimada Damu-Jadiid ay ku maquuninayaan hanashada xukunka dalka oo dhan iyo xalaaleysiga boobka doorashada 2016ka. Daandaansigu hadda wuxuu ku socdaa Puntland oo horay dhabarka u xijisey mucaaradka Damu-Jadiid.

Hogaanka Galmudug waxaa loo abuuray isku mashquulinta Puntland iyo Galmudug inta laga gaarayo doorashada, waxaana cid walba u cad in hogaankaas uusan ahyn mid si cadaalada u mideyn kara wadanoolaashaha shacabka Mudug oo wadaaga colaad iyo gacalnimo isku dhexmilan. Hogaamiyaha Damu-Jadiid ee Galmudug waa masiibo loo soo diray dadka kuwada nool gobolada dhexe, mana ahan shaqsi laga sugayo siyaasad ku dhisan nabad ku wada noolaasho, wuxuuna isku diyaariyey in awooda hogaanimadiisa uu ku muujiyo xal ku dhisan xoog dagaal, taasna waxaa ka marqaati kacaya hub urursiga uu bilaabay iyo rukuuca uu xabashida ula tegey. Saansaantiisa Colaadeed waxaa ka soo horjeestey beelaha dega bartamaha, galbeedka, iyo  koofurta Galgaduud, waxeyna beelahaas ka soo horjeedaan in Damu-Jadiid ay duudsiyeen shacabka degaankaas xuquuqdooda ay ku dooran lahayeen madaxda sida dhabta ah u mateleysa dowladda maamuleysa degaankooda. Ahlu Sunna waxaa loo diyaarinayaa hub ka dhigis aysan raali ka ahayn iyo xil ku laaluushid.

Ahlu Sunna oo heysta inta badan taageerada beelaha dega gobolka Galgaduud ayaa si toosa uga horyimid in madaxtooyada Soomaaliya ay u soo magacawdo degaankooda horjooge u maamula gobolada dhexe, waxaana ka dhex socda abaabulo dagaal iyo halgan siyaasadeed oo dadka degaanka lagu kala jiidanayo. Xabashida iyo Galmudug waxaa u muuqta in hubka Ahlu Sunna lagu wareejiyo maamulka Galmudug oo lagu cadaadiyo madaxdooda iney la shaqeeyaan hogaamiyaha Damu-Jadiid oo dhowaan ka soo idan qaatay Addi Sababa. Ahlu Sunna waxaa ka go’an ineysan wax wadahadala ka gelin jiritaanka maamulkooda inta laga gaarayo dowladda ka dhalata doorashada 2016ka. Mowqifka Damu-Jadiid iyo Puntland oo isku dhowaadey waxey meesha ka saartay kalsoonida ay Ahlu Sunna ku qabi karto Puntland.

Waxaa soo jirey xiriir wadashaqeyn ah oo ka dhexeeyey Puntland iyo Ahlu Sunna oo salka ku hayey in si wadajira la isaga kaashado halista ay madaxda Muqdisho ku heyso maamul-goboleedyadooda iyo dagaalka ay kula jiraan mitidiinta xagjirka ah. Waxaa sii xoogeysanayey kalashagiga siyaasadeed ee soo kala dhexgalay maamulada Ahlu Sunna iyo Puntland, taas oo ka turjumeysey in Damu-Jadiid ay ku guuleystaan kala furfurka isbaheysiga labadaas maamul, waxaana taas cadeyn muuqata u ah sida Puntland ay uga aamustay go’doominta lagu bartilmaameystay Ahlu Sunna oo Addi Sabab lagu soo xeeladeeyey sidii meesha looga saari lahaa maamulkooda. Guushaas ay gaartey Damu-Jadiid waxey soo dedejisey iney ku soo dhiiradaan marmarsiyo ay ku daandaansanayaan siyaasadda Puntland oo cidlo taagan. Shacabka Gaalkacyo oo waranka caaradiisa gacmaha la isugu geliyey ayaa u ficiltamaya iscolaadin beelnimo oo aysan beeluhu taladooda ku dhalan dagaalku.

Dadka ku nool Gaalkacyo waxba kama macaashayaan dagaalka siyaasadeed ee u muuqda mid israacsan haddan isdiidan ee ka dhexeeya Puntland iyo Damu-Jadiid, dagaalkaas wuxuu sii xoojinayaa qeybsanaanta ka dhex jirta bulshada ku wada nool gobolka Mudug iyo abuurista colaad guud oo laga dhex abuuro beelaha waaweyn oo ay ka soo kala jeedaan dadka degan Mudug. Waxaa muuqata in dagaalka Mudug heshiis lagu wada yahay, qeybna uu ka yahay heshiisyadii wadatashiga qaranka ee dhowaan madaxda maamul-goboleedyada iyo Damu-Jadiid ku dhexmaray Muqdisho, dagaalkaas oo la doonayo in sabab looga dhigo in hab qabiil doorashada lagu saleeyo, kuwaas oo lagu soo xulayo qaab maamul-goboleed ku dhisan.

Shacabka Mudug ha ka fiirsadaan inuusan dagaalkoodu xalineyn isgaadgaadka ka dhexeeya Puntland iyo Damu-Jadiid oo maslaxadoodu ay ku mideysan tahay doorashada 2016ka. Burburka hantida iyo xasuuqa shacabka rayidka ah ayaa ah hubaal mid ka dhalaneysa isku xoogsheegadka labada kooxood oo ku hardemaya ismuujinta loogu jiro dhiig daata in lagu gaaro himilooyinka ay ka damacsan yihiin doorashada 2016ka. Waxaa muuqata dhiiga shacabka la daadinayo iney ka weyn tahay waxa lagu hiigsanayo doorashada 2016ka oo daruuri ka dhigeysa in halganka mirihiisa heshiis lagu qeybsado.

Ma ahan Damu-Jadiid markii ugu horeysey oo ay dagaal ku qaadan koox-siyaasadeed oo ay ku bartilmaameysanayeen si ay hanjabaadooda ugaga guul gaaraan danahooda, iyagoo kooxdaas dadka u tusaya iney ka shaqeynayaan dano beel gaara oo ka hor imaneysa maslaxda qaranka. Kutladii baarlamaanka ugu horeysey oo sida geesinimada lahayd uga hortimid ku tagrifalka awooda madaxtooyada ayaa waxaa ka dhashay dagaal siyaasadeed oo u dhexeeya kutlada oo lagu astaameeyey beelweynta guud oo ay intooda badan ka soo jeedaan iyo Damu-Jadiid, taas oo ay ka dhalatay in shacabku garab istaagaan Kutlada, halisna ay soo foodsaarto xilka madaxtooyada dalka.

Dr. Saciid Ciise Maxamud (SACIM)

Gudoomiyaha Xisbiga Dadka

saciidciise258@aol.com

Maine, United States of America

By Bashir M. Xirsi | Muqdisho | QOL | November 30, 2015 – Beribaa laba wiil, oo guurdoon ahi, waxay u yimaadeen gabar. Wiilashii, ayaa gabadhii weydiiyey, habdhaqanka aabbaheed iyo kaalinta uu bulshada ku leeyahay. Ma arrinta hadda taagan buu ka hadlaa, mise, mid soo fool lehna waxbuu ka yiraahdaa? Gabadhii intey qosol jagac ka siiyey ayey ku tiri:

“war maxaa ka galay, waxa soo socda, ma Eebbaa, isagaa wax walba oge? Mayee, tan joogta ayuu ka hadlaa, tan kalena Eebbe ayuu u dhaafaa.” Ka dib maalintii dambe, ayey ku soo baxeen gabar, is la su’aashiina warsadeen sidii tii hore. Gabadhii waxay ugu warcelisay, arrin iyaga ka yaabisay, oo ku tiri:

“Aabbahay, dhacdada taagan siduu u arko ayuu oraahdiisa kaga dhiibtaa, isagoo weliba dhinac walba ka eegaya, kana hogatusmeynaya, tan soo socotana, waa saadaaliyaa, hilaadiyaa, oo odorosaa, isagoo ku hal goosanaya, wuxuu yaqaanney iyo wuxuu u soo joogey, ee gugiisu gaarsiiyey ama aynigiisu gayeysiiyey, oo sooyaalku wuxuu u marag furaa siiyaalka.”

Saadaalintu mar hibo, mar waa saansaan arag, mar waa indheergaradnimo, marna waa fiirocabbir. Hadday xaajadu maree, “sadar muuqda su’aal ka dhan”, ee aysan gaarin, “qof aan wax soo socda garan, waxa joogana ma garto”, waa hubbanti, in ay tahay aayo beel iyo ayaan, ogaal iyo garasho la’aan.

Qormadu waa saadaalin, ee ha ku sirmin. Ma ahan waxyi, waaran iyo wareegto, ee waa walxo isu geyn, waadixin iyo waxaab ka qaadid. Ha u qaadan taageero iyo guulwadeyn taban. May, ha u qaadan, damjadiidayn, diin ku doogasho, doodin iyo dudsiin.

Sida ay i la tahay, Xasan waxaa lagu nacay saddax ka la ah:

Hoggaanxumo iyo habacsanaan.

1. Tolka ku teedsan, ee uu tubta iyo la qaato talada
2. Himiladuu dilay iyo hammiguu duugay. Haddii intaa lagu nacay, waxaa jira, dad Xasan qof ahaan u neceb, oo ka la ah;

• Kuwo ku qabiil ah, oo quuq iyo qaaq ma ahane, aan qodob, qaanuun iyo qiyaas ku haysan. Ka sokow, in lagu qaraabto, haddana, waa is la qumman yihiin. Waxay isugu jiraan siyaasiyiin iyo sabadjoog.
• Qolada damaca kursiga, oo iyaga ma ahane, qof kale aan la rabin kursiga. Kuwani, waxay u badan yihiin, kuwii la tartamay, ee uu ka guulaystay, ee ay ugu horreeyaan Prof Samatar, Baaddiyow, Cosoble iqkb. Sidoo kale, waxaa la mida intii hore u la tartantay ama xil sare dalka ka soo qabatay, sida: Formaajo, Gaas, Cabdiwali, iqk.
• Kuwo dibindaabyo u joogga ah, ee dar walba, docodocayn iyo ka wada ka la dirid. Waxay ku takhasuseen, ka la dilka, is ku dirka iyo ka la duwidda. Maalintey ha na qaadeen, illaa maanta, waxay umadda ku la dhexjiraan, luggooyo, luqaafo iyo laqdabo.Ujeedku waa, Xasan wuxuu soo maray maalmo uu ahaa mudane maqsuud laga wada yahay, sokeeye iyo shishiiye badi, heer laga fishay, wax aan fara ugu jirin falkiddood, may, wax uusan fahamsanayn fulintood, faalin is ka daaye. Inta hore ugu qaldantay ama ugu qatalmay ku ma jiro, haddana, sidii aan hore u duulxulay, in aan lagu degdegin dallacsiintiisa, ayaan maantana is ku dayaa, in aan damoodo daaha naga dedan iyo in aan daalacdo ayaamaha dambe, ee imaanaya. Ogoow, eedda Xasan loo jeediyey, ee qiyaamo qaran, waxaa is diiwaangalshay in ka badan 120 XILDHAAN, haddana, meel uu ku dambeeyey cid sheegi karta ma lahan? Maxaa loo joojiyey? Yaa joojiyey? Sidee loo joojiyey? Hubaal, in aysan talo Soomaali iyo tub musuqane, in ay arrintu sidaa ku dhammaato, ee gacanta shihse ka timid, waa xaggee, waase tee? Ma carab, mise qolo kale?.3- Kulammadii Higsiga, ee laga baxayey ama laga baaqanayey. Shirkii Muqdihso ka dhacay, dhammaadkii bishii toddobaad, ee ku saabsanaa higsiga 2016ka, waxaa ka maqnaa, oo qaadacay, Cabdiwali Gaas iyo Axmad Madoobe, oo toddobaad ay Garoowe u joogeen ku gaaray, in ay qaab qalyaadaysan uga maqnaadaan shirka. Qofkii is lahaa, waxaa laga gudbay, dhaqankii loo ma dhamma, ha ku quusto, labo macallin dugsi iyo iskool hab dhaqankooda 2015ka, in aan kaw iyo labo la joogin.4- Xildhaannadii xoolo iyo xildoonka ahaa, maxaa aamusiyey? Is ku shaanshayntii la filayey sideedii u ma dhicin, oo afar wasiir ayaa la ka la wareejiyey, oo aan naf iyo lahayn nuxur awood, maamul iyo talo. Qaar badan, oo isu rabay, is lana rabay ka ma muuqan, mana muuqan, haddaba, maxaa dhacay, oo aan loo samayn is ku shaandhayn ballaaran, sida ay dalbanayeen quuqlayaasha qaylada quuta, ee Xalane ku xiran?.Odowaayoow, intaad urur u danee is leeadahay, adoo dadnimo, dareen iyo dabci doc ku dabray, bal dantaada fiiri, in ay ku jirto tallaabadaa aad qaadday iyo in kale. Maalmuhu ma ahan maanta kaliya, oo malaayiin maalmood ayaa dhimmane, maxaad u reebatay?. 7- Qorsheynta dhismaha Hiiraan iyo Shabeellaha Dhexe, oo lagu gudajiro, in kasta, oo caqabado jiraan, haddana, haddii isana sida Galmudug loo dhiso, oo uu ku soo baxo madaxa maamulka, nin ay is ku xer yihiin Xasan, waxay keenee, in sida Galmudug uu ku helo taageero. Ka sokow, xildhibaannada, maadaama, hadda lagu gudajiro, qaabinta higsiga 2016ka, ayna jirto, codod dhahaya, ha lagu xulo xildhibaannada gobollo iyo degmooyin, taas Xasan waxay siin, in uu gobollo dhawr ah taageero buuxda ka haysto, wixii dhacdhacna ah u dheeraan doonaan.Sababta amminkan Yuusuf loogu dhiibay xilka guddoonka gobolka Banaadir, waxay tahay, 2- In hantida iyo dhaqaalaha gobolka loo adeegsado ololaha doorashada, oo maadama ay tahay, madasha martigelindoonta ay u noqoto fure ay ku galaan, kuna soo bandhigaan wixii ay gobolka ka qabteen. 9- Xiriirka Xasan iyo Khaliijka, gaar ahaan Imaaraadka iyo Sucuudiga, oo heersare iyo heegadaa gaaray. Xasan tiro ka dhawr jeer ayuu Imaaraadka tagay, dhawaanna waa kii Sucuudiga tagay. Marka laga soo tago taageerada guud, ee beelaha Soomaaliyeed, ay Imaaraadku hubka iyo tiknikada ugu deeqaan, oo ka dhigan, is ku dila, waxay ballanqaadeen, in ay wax ka bixnayaan mushaarka ciidanka. Ma waxaa la abuurayaa, isbahaysi liddi ku ah Turkida, oo aan ognahay, in uu loollan ka la dhexeeyo kan Carabta ay hormuudka ka tahay Imaaraadku, maadaama, Turkidu Soomaaliya, saamayn muuqata ku leeyihiin?.11- Khilaafyadii oo yaraaday, waxay ku tusee, in wax badan is badaleen, oo murannadii badnaa, waxaad mooddaa, in ay shuuqeen, oo hakad galay, may, la galiyey aan dhaho, ee yaa galiyey? Waa weydiinta, aan wali warcelin u la’ahay, ee yaa iigu deeqa!
• Waxyaabahaa iyo kuwo kale, dhammaan waxay muujin, in Xasan soo laaban, ee aan sugno, waxba ka ma dhiimanee. Waa inoo doorashada iyo sanadka dambe. Xasan, haddii uu maamulka gudaha, maareynta caasimadda iyo maaliyadda dalka ka la furfuro, waxaa dhici karta, in uu sanado badan maamulka sii hayn karo.
• 10- Xil ka qaadista NACDOON “KEY”, erageygii dalka u qaabilsanaa QM, oo lagu badalay, is la mid kale, oo ay is ku waddan yihiin. Michael Keating. Ingiriiska ka qaad, ee ingriis u dhiib. Xasuuso, sidii ay dawladdu u dhacday, wali la ma soo magacaabin wakiil caddaan ah, oo wakiilladu Afrikaan un bay ahaayeen, markiise beenta ah KU MEEL GAARKII waa laga baxay dhegta na loogu sheegay, ayaa waxaa yimid nin cad, si haddii wax u qaldamaan loo yiraa, Soomaalida ayaa qaladday, oo aan KMG ku jirin, halka wixii qaldamay xilliyadii KMG, eeddu ku dhacayso siyaasiinta madaw ee isaga daba maray xilkaa. Hadda ayuu Jabriil Ibraahim, madaxa CRD, na lee yahay; “Haddii Soomaalidu ku heshiin weyso doorashada, waxaa khasab ah, in caalamka farageliyo” waa riwaayad dhigneed, ee ha u malayn run.
• 3- In qasnadda iyo dakhliga gobolka loo adeegsado ololaha doorashada, loona dhiibo qof aan carqalad iyo looga baqayn caqabad.
• 1- In xilka gobolka uu hayo, qof uusan ku jirin han uu ku la tartamo Xasan, maadaama Mungaab marar badan laga sheegay, in uu isi sharraxayo, wallow uu beenshay, haddana, la ma aamini karo, oo rag waa damac!
• 8- Magacaabidda Guddoomiyaha gobolka Banaadir ahna duqa magaalada Muqdisho, amminka lagu soo aaddiyey. Ninka loo magacaabay iyo ahmiyadda uu gobolku leeyahay, gebi ahaan, waxay muujin, in ay tahay, tallaabo doorasho, maxaa yeelay, Yuuruf ka sokow, in uu qayb weyn ka qaatay ololaha doorashadii Xasan, ee sanadkii 2012kii, haddana, xilkan, waxaa la la rabay, ka hor Mungaab, balse, wuxuu uga hormaray galaangal iyo guurti odoyaal, oo uu is ka hormarshay. Wixii aad dib dhigato, ayaa kuu dambar ehe, Yuusuf, waa kan, amminka oo kii hore ka fiican, ammaanka, oo sidii hore dhaamo, ammaanaduse sideedii iyo ka daran tahay.
• 6- Dhismaha maamulka Galmudug, oo noqday, kii ugu nadiifsanaa, oo Soomaali dhisato, xagga awood qaybiga, qancinta beelaha, maamul wadaagga iyo in uu ka marnaa, talo Xabashi, oo dhammaan astaan u noqotay dhismayaasha maamullada kale ee dalka ka jira, kuwii hore iyo kuwa dambaba. Dhismaha Galmudug, Xasan mar waa u awood qaybsi, oo wuxuu ku tashanayaa soo xulidda xildhibaannada 2016ka, in ay u sahlanaato, Guuleedna gacan ka siiyo, marka kalana, wuxuu doonayaa, in beelaha iyo bulshada u muujiyo, in uu yahay, nin ka madaxbannaan Xabashida, oo badi madaxdu u noqdeen kabaqaad iyo kalkaaliyayaal, gaar ahaan, marka la fiirshi dhismaha labada maamul, ee Jubba iyo Koofur Galbeed.
• 5- Dhaarinta xildhibaannimo ee Odowaa, dhaxal siyaasadeed u ma horreyn, balse, wuxuu u horreeyey, in uusan ka sarriigan, in asoo da’daa ah, uu u dhaqmo sidii qawaarradii ku qaraaban jiray siyaasadda. Waan fahmi karaa, in uu kaliya u yeelay boos celis ciyaar siyaasaseed socota awgeed, haddana, inta aan siyaasadda iyo la fiirin ciyaarta socota, aaway dadnimadii? Aaway damiirkii? Aaway garashadii? Aaway ka la saarka awoodda siyaasadeed, ee dejin iyo fulin? Qaladkan isagu ma lahan, balse, waxaa eedda leh DALTUURKA oggol, in qofku is ku noqon karo halmar xildhibaan iyo wasiir, wayna jiraan, kuwo badan oo la mid ah. Xil u dhiibiddaa, waxaa ka dambeeya, in higsiga iyo doorashada 2016ka, aan booskaa lagu ciriirin.
• Ka baaqsi shir kaliya ma ahane, ee waxaa ka loo dhacday, in Gaas mar shir ka socday Kismaayo, maalintii carun shubka Madoobe, uu isaga istaagay, mar kalana Gaas iyo Madoobe ay shir Muqdisho ka dhacay isaga baxeen, balse, is la markii lagu soo celiyey. Ma aragtay, qof dambe, oo shir diiddan, ka baaqsanaya ama ka baxaya? Maxaa isbadalay? Gaas, waa Gaas, oo wali Gaalkacyo in ay qabiil u ka la xirnaato ayuu ku garaad yehee, walibana dagaal u biratumanayee? Madoobe, wali waa Madoobe, oo isaga oo Shiilaabo ka kor ka yimid, ayuu rabaa, in uu Kismaayo iyo Jubbooyo madax u noqdee? Damaca beelaysiga, ee labadan nin ku jira, haddii madaxda maamul beeleedyada kale ku jiri lahaa, dheellitir fiican ayaa la heli lahaa, balse, ayaandarro, sida labadan qabyaaladda loo ma wada quuto, sida inta kalana, labadan qabyaaladda uga ma qandacsadaan!
• 2- Guddiyadii qaran, ee la diiday, ee ka la ahaa, Guddiga xuduudaha, guddiga dib u eegista dastuurka “DALTUURKA” iyo guddiga doorashooyinka, oo maamulka waqooyi bari, aad uga gadooday, heer, madaxa guddiga dib u eegista dartuurka “DALTUURKA” oo ka soo jeedday, ay is ka cashiday xilkaa, dabcan, cadaadis beesha uga yimid, ama qanac ay ku eheed, in ay beesheeda la cadgoosato awgeed, mid u roon ma aqaane, Caasho iyada, a yey ku habbooneed, in ay is tiraa: “Caadi is ka dhig!” Markii ay is ka casilaysay, “guddiga madaxa bannaan, ee dib u eegista DALTUURKA!” Oo ay i su casishay: “Col is ka dhig!” aanna u raaciyo, oo yaan lagaa dareemin!
• 1- BUUQII MOOSHINKA, meel ma ku sheegtaa? Xasan, waxaa laga gudbiyey, mooshin culus, marka laga soo tago, in lagu tilmaamay, hacabsane iyo hanfade, waxaa lagu eedeeyey qiyaamo qaran iyo jabin axdiyada dalka. Eedeyn adag, haddii qaran jiro, haddana, qaablaawayaashii qorshahaa waday, xaggee qabteen? Aaway Xoosh, oo ah, ninka qashinka DALTUURKA soo minguuriyey? Aaway Goodax, oo ah ninka garan waayey, in deegaanka iyo gobolka uu ka soo jeedo, uu ka xoreeyo Shabaab, is ka daa in uu maamul u dhisee, ee ka doorbiday, in uu Xamar maqaayadaheeda ka dhexqayliyo, sidii qof falan? Xaggee ku dabeeyey Xiddig, ninka u xilsaarraa, ka dhaahdicinta bulshada, in ay oggolaadaan, in dhalashadeenna qof walbaa qaadan karo, oo Xoosh iyo xertiisu ku qoreen DALTUURK? Maxaa aamusiyey Fawsiyo, Cosoble iyo kuwa la midka ah, ee aan horseedka ka ahaa mooshinka?.
• Nin xil dhadhanshay, oo ka dhaqaaqay la waa, in qadaadka la qabto ama qarash lagu qubo ma ahane, si kale ku ma tagaan, Xasanna kuwii ayuu ka mid yahay. in Xasan uu soo laabanayo, marka la fiirsho, ifafaalaha bilihii dambe dalka ka dhacay iyo sida uu ku socdo higsiga 2016ka, waa marag ma doonto, haddaan wax is badalin, saa waa siyaasade, waxaana kuugu daliila:
• Xasan inta lagu nacay iyo inta neceb sokow, adigu haddaad neceb tahay, anigu ma jecli, ee ha igu soo goohin. Laga yaabee, adigagan maanta Xasan neceb, in aad shalay jecleed, ood leheed, waxa curtay ISBADDAL, balse, dib ka noqday ISLEGED! Berri waa maanta, ee haddii aadan maanta fiirin, berri ha sugin.

.

Bashiir M. Xersi

brdiraac@hotmail.com

____________________________

By Bashir X. Xirsi | Muqdisho | QOL | November 30, 2015 – Islaan magaceeda la oran jiray Roobeey, ayaa waxay laheyd 2 wiil, oo mataano ah, weliba mataanaha aan muuqaal ahaan la kala garan marna. Duq Roobeey waxay mataanaha ku soo korisay agoonnimo, oo aabbahood wuxuu dhintay iyagoon socodba gaarin, dadka dariska la ahina waxay ugu yeeri jireen “MATAANO ROOBEEY”.

Mataanihii waxay noqdeen kuwo aad u dhib badan, oo xaafaddii nafta u keenay, guryaha dariskana tuuryo iyo dhagaxayn ku harqiyey, carruur dilowna ay u dheer tahay. Duq Roobeey waxaa ku batay dacwadda dariska, markaa ayey billawday inay dadka dariska ah ee u soo dacwooda inta mataanaha soo hor joojiso/istaajiso qofkii ka dacwoonayay weydiiso labada kan uu yahay key ka dacwoonaayaan. Markii qofkii dacwada qabay uu kala garan waayo kuna wareero kala saarkooda ayey Roobeey sidaa ku samirsiisaa.

Islaan kaloo dariska aheyd, oo dhowrjeer ku guuldarreysatay inay kala saarto mataanaha (kan ay ka dacwooneyso iyo kan kale) ayaa maalintii danbe gurigeeda si xun loo shiiday (tuuryeeyay), oo waxay aragtay mid ka mid ah mataanihii oo gurigoodii ku sii cararaya. Markeey Roobeey u timid, una dacwootay ayay sidii caadada u aheyd soo saftay labadii wiil, oo weydiisayay inay caddeyso kan soo tuuryeeyay! Islaantii dacwada aheyd oo aan dooneeyn in maanta la shaki galiyo, ayaa waxay soo istaagtay; “HA I WAREERIN KALAMA ROONA MATAANO ROOBEEYE!”. Hadda, waa; “HA I WAREERIN, KA LA MA ROONA GAAS iyo GUULEEDE!”

Gaalkacyo, magaalo ka mid ah, magaalooyinka ugu ayaanka daran dalkeenna, dhan walba. Magacxumo, muuqxumo, maamulxumo iyo maadigaa yiri!

Magaalooyinka la is ku dilay, ee dagaal beeleedyadu aadka u sameeyeen waxa Muqdisho Ceer Gaabo, Burco, Baladweyne, Kismaayo imk, haddana, Gaalkayo, magaalo maanta la mid ah ma jirto.

Gaas wuxuu ku dhashay Dusmo Reeb, xarunta maamulka Galmudug, ahna caasimadda gobolka Galguduud, haddana, xarunta maamulka uu ku dhashay, ayuu duullaan ku soo yahay!

Guuleed, wuxuu ku dhashay Baladweyn, caadimadda gobolka Hiiraan, haddana, waa kaa Gaalkacyo dagaalkeeda dhinac ka ah!

Ka sokow, in labaduba aysan ku dhalan, mid qoys, ubad iyo xaas ka deggan yihiin ku ma jiro, oo waa wada soo gelooti shalay u tagay, doorasho been ah iyo xiljacayl, ka dib, markii ay ku soo fashilmeen maamulka dawladda dhexe, oo midna loo dooran waayey madaxweyne, kan kalana uuba xilkii is ka casilay!

Gaas, Maraykan iyo wuxuu ka yimid ka kor badweynta Atlaantigga, halka Guuleeed ka yimid Muqdisho xaruntadala. Labada ma gudbe, mid intii burburku jiray, dagaalladu socdeen, balaayo abuurneed baasku taagnaa, maalin waqtigiisa ka mid ah ku lumiyey ma jiro Gaalkacyo, oo mid walbaa, wuxuu ku raaxaysanayey gurigiisa iyo gayigaa uu ku noolaa, Guuleed haba joogo magaalo colaadeede!

Malaha dagaalkan, ka sokow, fashilkoodii hore, ee badi dadku hilmaameen, waxay ku qarinayaan, fashilka hadda ka haysta hoggaanka labada maamul beeleed, ee ay ka la hoggaanshaan?.

Gaas, sidii uu u qabtay maamulka, waxaa hoos u dhacay haybaddiisii, oo dagaallo beeleed, gadood malleeshiyo, iscasilaad guddooniye baarlamaan, mooshinno isgarab socda iyo waxaa hareeyey muwaafaqo la’aan, halka Guuleed, maalintii la doortay, illaa maanta, uusan wali tegin xarunta maamulkiisa, ee Dusmo Reeb, oo ay haystaan xooko fallaago ah iyo wadaaddo hubaysan.

Labo FAASHIL, oo fidno iyo ka dhex wada fasahaad, beelo iyo bulsho is ku baal iy baab ah, haba ka la darraadeene, haddana, waa baaba’ hor leh iyo bas beel!

Dawlad FASHILANTAY, waxaa dhashay BULSHO FASHILAN ama FASHILANTAY, sida dawlad FASHILANTAY ay u dhasho URUR ama HAY’AD FASHILAN! Haddaba, ma dhihi karraa, fashalka dhan, waxaa dhalay, beelo fashilan, maadaaama bulshadeennu beelo ka kooban tahay?.

Gaas, asaga ayaa afkiisa laga hayaa; “PUNTLAND MAALIN WALBA AALKOLIISTAY GUURSATAA!” hadal qiimo dhac ah, haddana, marka laga soo tago, hoggaankii hore ee maamulka hagi jiray, ee uu ku tilmaamay AALKOLIISTAYAAL, yaa AALKOLIISTE ah, isaga, mise, iyaga? Intii ka horraysay marka laga reebo Cabdullaahi Yuusuf, Aabbaha xerta Xabashida, oo uuba taageero weyn u ahaa, dagaal beeleed oo ay galeen, oo la sheego loo ma hayo, isaguse dhexda ayuu uga jiraa, walibana, wuxuu rabaa, in uu sheegto bare iyo barbaariye? Ma barbaaarta ayuu rabaa, in uu dagaal ku barbaarsho ama baro? Bulshoow, ubadkiinna, kuwa barayaasha u ah, dib ha loo eego fadlan.

Dagaal dhaca, dhimasho, dhaawac, qax, barakac iyo hantu burburta un buu dhalaa, ma filayo, inay jirto dad uga aqoon badan reer Gaalkacyo gaar ahaan iyo guud ahaan reer Mudug, haddana, nin baa raba, maanta oo la marayo 2015ka, in dagaal beeleed iyo dirir qabiil uu horjeege ka noqdo, walibana, uu taageero ku helo, sokoena, aqoon sheegto!

Rag Calooshi la ciyaar iyo ciil ka ma karaa ugu daran! Oo ah arrinta ka socota Gaalkacyo, maxaa yeelay, waa hubbanti, in mar uun la heshiinayo, haddana, ka hor, waa in ay dhintaan dhallinyaro, barbaar iyo kurayo aan waxba galabsan, aan ka ahayn, in beel baas ka dhasheen, ogaal iyo dookh la’aan.

La yaabka ah, in wali aan la garan aragtida ah, in kan beesha dagaalka galsha, aan loo arag fidna wade, eeba la sii dallacsiinayo, heer loo aqoonsado halyeey iyo hoggaamiye! Qof ku dilay, kugu dilay walaalkaa, kugu diray dariskaa, kaa dilay dantaadii, in aad u garato guddoon, ma jirto gunnimo ka weyn, haddana, dadka sidaa u dhaqmaya, waxay isu haystaan gob, aan laga gobsanayn, may, iyagaaba dadka ugu gobsan! Magan!

Dhanka kale, waxaa la yaab leh, danta ay garteen laba jabhad, laba dagaal ooge, laba qabqable, laba gacan ku dhiigle, laba macangag, ee ay garan waayeen laba HAL AQOON iyo Prof sida lagu sheego. Run ahaantii waa ayaandarro iyo dhabarjab weyn.

Dagaalka Gaalkacyo, wuxuu uu ku billowday, waxaa ka weyn, waxa uu salka ku hayo, oo uu dabasocdo, aniga sida ay i la tahayna afar arrin ah:

1- Aano qabii, dakano beel iyo uurgunud hayb, oo qarniyoyaal ahaa, micnaha beri hore u dhacay, walina qaarkood dhacayaan.

2- Heshiiskii labo Cabdiwali, ee ahaa, in Mudug iyo Gaalkacyo loo ka la qaybiyo qabiil! Laba Cabdi Wali waxay ka la saxiixdeen sedbursi kii ugu foolxumaa, maxaa yeelay, is weyduuntu ma ahan dhaqanxumadooda oo kali ah, ee waxay taabanaysaa wixii ay soo xarxarriiqeen iyo sida waaqica dalku yahay! Natiijadii hadda ayaan haynnaa heshoodkooda.

3- Dhismaha maamulka Galmudug, ee waaqica noqday, isaga oo ka qaraweyn kii uu hore u ahaa magac, muuq, maamul iyo meegaar, oo malaha Gaas, ka degi waysay, heer, uu marar badan ku celshay, in uusan aqoonsanayn, aqoonsanna doonin! Yaab, yaa aqoonsi uga baahnaa, goor ma ayuuse aqoonsiga maamullada bixin jiray? Qofku waxaa fiican, in uusan kabtiisa ka dheeraan, ee uu ku jin ahaado! Intaa ku ma ekaysane, wuxuu ka baxay shirar dhawr ah, oo ku saabsanaa higsiga 2016ka, oo ka la dhacay Kismaayo, maalintii carun shubka Axmad Madoobe, iyo mid ka dhacay Muqdisho, halka uuba ka baaqsaday mid kale oo ka dhacay is la Muqdisho, isaga, oo taageero beelaysan ka helay Axmad Madoobe!

Heshiiska laba Cabdi Wali maxaan loogu qeexin xuduudka kale, ee  Puntland ay la leedahay, ee Waqooyi, ee loogu gaar yeelay kan koofureed? Maxaa yeelay, waxaa jira muran aan ka jirin dhankan heshiiska beeleed lagula degdegee. Ma waxay xuduud la leedahay beesha Waqooyi, ee Somaliland, mise waxay xuduud la leedahay Khaatumo State?.

4- Dhismaha garoonka cusub, ee Galmudug, oo la yiraa, OSHACO, oo Gaas iyo guruubkiisa, marar badan is ku dayeen, in ay diyaaradaha ka hor istaagaan, in ay ku soo dagaan.

Ujeedku wuxuu yahay, Gaalkacyo iyo Mudug, inta labo beel ay u ka la qaybsan tahay, una ka la qaybsanaahe, mar walba, waxaa lagu noolaan cabsi iyo wadna kurkur!

Sida muuqata, 3Ggii hore, yacni 3dii jiil, ee hore, waxba waa qaban waayeene, bal 4G ha lagu dayo, oo aan hubo, in ay ka smartsan yihiin, ka aragtisan yihiin, ka bisayl badan yihiin, ka baruurug badan yihiin, ka beel dumid badan yihiin, ka baroor yar yihiin, ka buuq yar yihiin, ka been yar yihiin, ka beelaysi yar yihiin, ka boob yar yihiin, kana baas yar yihiin.

Ogoow, dhan walba, aqoon, ogaal, aqool, arag iyo agabba, waxaa ku socda, hormar ballaaran, marka laga reebo hannaanka beelaysigeenna, oo aad mooddo, in uusan halkiisii ka dhaqaaqin, haddii uusan dib u laaban!

Xalku wuxuu ku jiraa, wadahadal, tanaasul, wadaag, walaaltinnimo, soomaalinnimo iyo darisnimo, wixii ka soo hara, waa halaaggeenna iyo hooggeena, ee yaan laga shaqayn fadlan, waliba, kuwo berri marka xilka ay dagaan ama laga qaado, iska bixi doona, oon dib loo arki doonin, yeysan dhallinta naga dhammayn dhurwaayadu!

Wixii Soomaaliya ka dhaca, waxaa eeddeeda iska leh marka Soomaalida laga soo tago saddaxda kala ah; Nicolas Key (Nacdoon), Gabre (Gumaade) iyo Maxamed Cabdi (Afeey).

Mudane walba oo na soo mara wax baa lagu xasuusan doonaa. Siyaad Barre (AABAHA BURBURKA SOOMAALIYA)! Cali Mahdi sabab u noqoshadii dagaalkii sokeeye, ee afar biloodka iyo wixii ka dambeeyey, ka dib dhismihii dawladdii Maanafesto. Caydiid Kabiirka qabqablayaasha iyo dagaal oogayaasha. C/qaasim Afar iyo bar iyo beelaysi awoodda loogu qaybsado si qayaxan. C/laahi Yuusuf Abbaha Xerta Xabashida iyo Xasuuqa iyo Jabhadka ugu cimriga dheer iyo fidniada fenderaalka. Shariif Aayado been ah, Jihaad aan jirin, Janno bug ah. Xiirane “Cabdiwali iyo Xasan degmo iyo gobol ka la qaybsan, damjadiidna u dheer tahay. Gaas iyo Guuleed, dagaalka Gaalkacyo iyo guhaaddiisa, sidoo kale ka la qaybsanaanta magaalada iyo gobolka. Kuwa iman doona maxaa laga fishaa? Idinka lee waaye.

.

Bashiir M. Xersi

brdiraac@hotmail.com

______________________________

Muqdisho | QOL | December 7, 2015 – Diinteenna  siday noo sheegtay, naftii ugu horeeysay ee si xaq darro ah loo dilo waxa ay aheyd naftii Haabiil, waxaa dilay walaalkii Qaabiil, kaddib markii ay is  qoonsadeen, ilaa qiyaami saaca,  nafkasta oo gardarro wax ku disho, danbigeeda  wax buu ku leeyahay Qaabiil.

Anigu ma fahmin meesha ayka xidideen,Qaabiil iyo dadka Somaalida,waa marka ay timaaddo in naf aan waxba galabsan la iska dilo.

Dagaalku waa Hadiyad Ilaahay si gaar ah ugu deeqay Ummadda Somaalida,waxauuna noqday meherad layska Hidda raacay, laga soo bilaabo abuuristii Qoyskii  Soomaalidu ka soo farcantay, ha ahaato, dagaal sokeeye, ama dagaal Xaq u dirir ah,labadaba Xariif ayeey ku yihiin dadka Soomaalidu.

Dagaallada ugu caansan ee galay Taariikhda Somaalidu ku faanto,waxaa ka mid ah:

• Dagaalkii Axmed Gureey iyo Xabashida Itoobiya,Qarnigii 16aad,1528 -1543dii.
• Dagaalkii Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan iyo Gumeystihii Ingiriiska, 1899-1920kii.
• Dagaalkii Shacabkii  koonfurta iyo Gumeystihii Talyaaniga 1890-1925tii.
• Dagaalkii todaba iyo todobaatankii (77 ) ee dhaxmaray Somaaliya iyo Itoobiya,1977-1978dii.
• Dagaalkii  Xulafadii Maxaakimta Islaamiga iyo Itoobiya,2006-2009kii.

Dagaalladaan dadka Somaalida,waxaa uga dhintay kumannan ruux,oo qiimo iyo qaaya wayn ugu fadhiyay, geesiyaal go’ay oo garawshiyo leh.

Dhanka kale Umadda Somaalida,waxa ay hiddo iyo dhaqan u leedahay Qabyaalad gaamurtay oo lafaha iyo dhuuxa ka gashay, waana yaryahay ruux ka caafimaad qabo,  Wadaad iyo Waranlaba, waxaan dhihi karaa dadka Somaalida Qabyaaladdu waxa ay u noqotay caqiido oo kale, ruuxa Soomaaliga ah meel uu joogaba waxaa wax kasta uga qiima badan, danaha reer Tolkiis, taas ayuuna wax kasta ka  hormarinayaa.  Qabiilka Somaalida waxa uu uga yimid dhanka Carabta, maxaayeelay Somaalidu  waxa ay taqaanay Tol ,laakiin booskii tolka waxaa  galay eray la macna ah,Qabiil: Qabiilku waxa uu isu badalaa Qabyaalad, balse Tolka isma badalo.

Qabyaaladda waxa ay keentay,in Dadka Somaalida ay la Darsaan,Dagaalo

Sokeeye,oo  galaaftay mood iyo noolba.

Abaanduule la oranjiray Cismaan Ilaawe Dhegajarco, oo saban hore dagaal galina-ayay reer Tolkiis ayaa ku maansooday:

Dar allaan ku noolaan jiriyo,duul la weeraro,e

Reerkayga waa uga dartaa,daawo nabadeede

Dawadaydu waa laba habaas,kobey ka duushaaye

Haddii aan dudumo yulug harsado ,dacas ma jiifeene;

Dagaaladii dhax mari jiray Somaalida,waxa ay ka curanjireen,waxyaabaha ay aadka u qiimeeyso sida:

Geela,Gabdhaha,Biyaha,Baadka, Beeraha  iwm,Somaalida maanta joogtana,waxaa intaa ugadheerarimo Siyaasadeed,balse Dadka ugu badan ee huriya Dagaalada

Sokeeye waa Beelaha Geeleyda,waxaana xaqiiqa ah,Wadanka waxa uu ka dagi la’yahayna waa ayaga.

Soomaalidu waa dad aan waxba ka aqoon, qiimaha uu qaran leeyahay , waxaana  taa daliil u ah,ma jirto hal maahmaah oo Af Somaali ah, oo tilmaamaysa Qaran

iyo waxa uu yahay,Waxaasa la heli karaa,boqollaal maahmaahood oo ku saabsan Tolka ama Qabiilka.

.

La soco Qaybta 2aad ee Maqaalka.

W\Q: Macalin Mukhtaar SH Cabdiraxmaan ( Macalin Dugsi)

E-mail: kumaatahay@hotmail.com Tel: 0027848459336

___________________

Muqdisho | QOL | December 7, 2015 – Gaas, wuxuu ku dhashay, Dusmo Reeb, xarunta maamulka Galmudug, ahna caasimadda gobolka Galguduud, haddana, maalmo dhaweed, wuxuu duullaan iyo weerar ku ahaa, magaalada Gaalkacyo, qaybteeda koofureed, oo ka mid ah, magaalooyinka hoostaga, magaalo madaxda maamulka uu ku dhashay, ee Galmudug.

Ka muhimsan. Gaas, ku ma dhalan Gaalkacyo, qoys, ubad iyo xaasna ka ma degganna, oo doorasho been ah iyo xiljacayl ayuu u tagay, ka dib, markii ay ku soo fashilmay maamulka dawladda dhexe, oon loo dooran madaxweyne, aanna laga dhigin wasiirka koowaad, malaha, uu wasiir xitaa waayey! Yaa og, in uusan xilka dambe raajicin?.

Ka hor, Gaas, wuxuu ku noolaa, Maraykanka, barena ka ahaa, oo intii burburku jiray, dagaalladu socdeen, balaayadu abuurneed, baasku taagnaa, maalin amminkiisa in ka mid ah, ma gelin magaaladaa, oo wuxuu is ka joogay dibadda iyo daartiisa.

Shariif markuu xilka u magacaabay Gaas, qadaanqadintii Farmaajo ka dib ayuu yiri: “waxaan ku soo xushay Gaas, aqoon iyo karti!” karti iyo aqooneey xaal qaata! Gaas shaqsi ahaan waa nin af guran, aan codkar ahayn, hadalka aan dadka deeqsiin karin, ku caan ah jaajaalaynta iyo weero jaban. Sidaa waxaan u leeyahay laba middood, oo ka la ah: hadal uu jeediyo, oo aan jabnayn ma maqal. Micnaha inuu qolo qaar raasan yahay ma hane, si qumman u ma hadli yaqaan. Midda kale, waa inuusan afkiisa dhawrin, hadalkiisana qabyaaladi ka marnayn, oo ah, labo hannaan, oo qof hoggaamiye ah aan ku habboonayn. Tusaale, waxaa iiga filan, hadalkii ahaa: “PUNTLAND MAALIN WALBA AALKOLIISTAY GUURSATAA!”. Taa waxaaba u sii dheer, afar eray, oo Soomaali ah, oo aan markii horaba qaab lahayn markuu yiraa, kan shanaad waa eray qalaad. Tan, keli ku ma ahan, ee badi madax ku sheegga ayaa sidaa ah, kii Carabi dhexgalsha, kii Ingiriis ku dara iyo kii Talyaani ku laba.

Wasiirka koowaad markii uu ahaa, qofku is ma qarin karee, wuxuu ku caanbaxay QABYAALAD midda ugu qaabdaran, heer Gen. Dhagabadan oo ku yiri: “Ma waxaad tahay kaabbo qabiil Soomaliyed, mise, Ra’isal wasaare Soomaaliyeed?” una sii raaciyey: “C/weli Gaas waa Professor Qabyaaladda ku qalinjabiyay!” Dhagoolkii wuxuu yiri: “inaan gardaranahay waxaan ku ogaaday, dadka dhan ayaa faraha igu soo fiiqay!” balse, Gaas, sidaa oo kale u ma garan, hadduu u gartana, ka ma gaabsan, mana ka garaabin, bal wuxuu u qirtay, in uu u sedburshay beeshiisa, isagoo yiri: “Markii caddaaladda la eego, armaa sedburiino ay qaateen ayaan is leeyahay?!”

Aqriste, hal QAACIDDOO DAHABI ah, iga QABO aniga, oo iga QORO; “QOF WALBA, OO BEESHIISA SOOMAALI UGA EEXDAA/SEDBURSHAA, WAXAA HUBAAL AH, IN BEESHANA UU UGA SEDBURIN DOONO JUFADIISA, JUFADANA UU UGA SEDBURIN DOONO ILMA ADEERRADIISA!” waayaha, waqtiga iyo waaqica ayaan ka bartay, ee bal adna qiimee, oo igu  soo warceli, haddii aysan saa ahayn.

Intaa ka dib, Gaas waa ninkaas, ragna calooshi la ciyaar iyo ciil ka ma karaa ugu liita! Dadka waxaa ugu xun, col u joog, colaad huriye, cillad abuur iyo ceeb fale. Inaad tol ka dhalatay, ceeb ma ahan. Inaad beel ku abtirsato, iin ma ahan. In aad qabiil ku aroorto, qalad ma ahan. Intaa iyo intii aadan adigu dooran, dookhaagana ku iman, eed ku ma lihid xumaan iyo samaan, ee, waxaad eed ku leedahay, wixii aad farto, fasho, ama fuliso, ee ka la fogeyn tol, is ku feerid beel iyo ka la falfalid qabiil ah.

Gaas, maalintii uu maqlay, dhismaha maamulka Galmudug, hurdo la’aantii ku dhacday, waxay ku ridday qarow, riyo iyo salal. Qorsho, qaab iyo qodob walba, wuxuu ku qaabiyey, sidii aan Galmudug u dhalan lahayn, dhicisna u noqon leheed, inay dhalmo dhimatana ay ku dhaami leheed.

Halgan, harjad iyo wuxuu u galay Gaas haasaawe, sidii uu dunida, dawladda iyo maamullada kale uga gadi lahaa, in Galmudug aysan buuxin karin shuraadaha maamul goboleedyada, ee dastuurku “DALTUURKA” dhigayo, ee ah, labo gobol iyo ka badan, halka Galmudug, lagu saleeyey gobol iyo bar, sida uu qabo.

Gaas wuxuu qarracmay, markii shirka Cadaado uu furmay, isagoo yiri, sida uu sheegay Yuusuf Garaad: “…dadka Cadaado ku shiray, ay yihiin dad Muqdisho dayaarado looga soo daad gureeyay.” Gaas, ayaa sheegay! Oo waa Gaas kee? Maxaa ka galay, dadka ku shiray Cadaado iyo waxa ay ka shireen? Micnaha, dadka Cadaado ku shiray, ma ahan dad u dhashay gobollada dhexe, ee waa dad ka soo doolaalay Muqdisho! Kaba muhiimsane, horta Muqdisho iyo gobollada dhexe, saw isku dad ma daggana? Ani ogaalkeey sidaa ayey ii eheed, ee Yuusuf, dadkan cusub, ee uu Gaaskiisa ka soo xigtay waa kuwee?.

Mar kale, aan xigto Yuusufe, wuxuu yiri: “Puntland, oo sheegtay in aanay go’aankii Cadaado u aqoonsanayn dowlad Goboleed.” Aqoonsi yaa uga baahan? Yaa weydiistay? Yaa u dabafariistay? Yey yihiin horta, aqoonsi ha siiyaane? Maxaa ka galay aqoonsiga iyo aqbalaadda dawlad goboleednimada GALMUDUG? Maxay isugu soo qaadaayaan hawl aan u oollin, ee u taal dawladda dhexe iyo dunida korjoogtada ah? Gaas, ma wuxuu joogaa, xafiiska bixiya aqoonsiga maamul goboleedyada? Qofku waxaa fiican, in uusan kabtiisa ka dheeraan, ee uu ku jin ahaado!

Waxaa la yiraa: “Garbo is gaargaar gargaar ma leh!” iyo “Rag labaatan jir buu ballamay” ee hadda haddii reer gobollada dhexe maamul dhisteen, waliba xalaal ah, oo aan Xabashi, Keeniyaan, faragelin shisheeye iyo damac dabadhilif lagu dhisin, musuq ku ma darine, maxay uga baahan yihiin maamulka bari?

Horta ma DASTUUR baa, mise, DALTUUR? Eraybixinta ka sokow, Gaas ma ogyahay, sida ay ugu qoran tahay DALTUURKA, in labo gobol ka badan maamul noqon karaan, ay ku qoran tahay, in xuduud goboleedyadu, ay noqonayaan, kuwii ay ka tagtay dawladdii burburka baahisay? Hadduu ogyahay, xaggee ka keenay, GALMUDUG, waxaa loo caleemo saaray gobol iyo bar?.

Mar walba waxa la tixgelinayo, waa xuduudkii hore iyo nabad ku wada noolaashaha, labadaana, waxaan filaa in maamulka gobollada dhexe ay ku baaqeen. Haddaba, maxaa keena mar walba, in kaliya, lagu indha caddeeyo, DALTUURKU wuxuu qabaa, in labo gobol ka badan maamul noqon karaan, oo looga tagaa, qodobka kale, ee sheegaya xuduud goboleeyada? Ka sokow, horta, maamulka, maxaa lagu salaynayaa, gobol, mise, qabiil? Micnaha, labada gobol, ee is raacaya, ma waxaa sal looga dhigaa, intii isku hayb ah, ee dhalyo iyo dhiig wadaag ah, mise, intii isku dhaqan, ood iyo deegaan wadaag ah?.

Tan ugu muhimsan, Gaas isaga ayaa gacantiis ku saxiixay Galmudug, in ay ka kooban tahay labada gobol, ee Mudug iyo Galguduud, markii uu wasiirka koowaad ahaa, ee hadda, maxaa isbadalay? Ma gobolladii ayaa meel kale u wareegay? Ma filayo.  Wali waxaanan garan, sababta maamulka Puntland, aysan awood u saarin xuduudkooda waqooyi galbeed, sida dastuurka ugu qoran, halka ay u xoog weyn yihiin xuduudkooda koofureed? Si kale, sababta, aysan ugu dagaalgelin xuduudka gobollada Sool iyo Sanaag, ee xadka Somaliland, sida ay ugu dagaaleen qayb ka mid ah magaalada Gaalkacyo? Micnaha, labo gobol, ayaa ka maqan, sida dastuurkooda ku taal, haddii la raaco, oo gacanta ugu jira maamulka Somaliland, walibana xoog looga qabsaday, haddana, aysan u dirirayn, dood iyo dacwana ka ma daba wadaan, ee degmo barkeed, maxay uga duwan tahay? Isu ma key qaban!

Ka sokow, in uu yiri ma aqoonsani, Gaas, wuxuu labo mar shir uga baxay Galmudug. Midi wuxuu ahaa, carun shubkii Kismaayo, ee Axmad Madoobe, oo shir looga hadli lahaa higsiga uu isaga baxay. Sidoo kale, mid kale, oo Muqdisho ka dhacay, ayuu isna ka baxay, balse, is la markii lagu soo celiyey, loona sheegay, in madasha, aan looga hadlayn Galmdudug iyo Guuleed. Ka hor, waxay si qabyaaldaysan uga baaqsadeen kulankii ugu muhimsanaa higsiga, ee ka dhacay Muqdisho dhammaadkii bishii toddobaad Gaas iyo Madoobe, markaas ayuu rabaa, Madoobe, in uu maanta naga gado, in Gaalkacyo ay ku xiran tahay higsiga, maxaa, Muqdhisho ma ku xirna miyaa, may Kismaayo ku ma xirna miyaa?.

Dacaayaddii iyo borobogaandii uu ku furay Galmudug markii ay shaqayn waysay, oo ay aqoonsi ka heshay dunida, ayuu Gaas u jeestay xeelad dagaal iyo hurin dirir, oo dagaalkii Galkaacyo, ee saddaxda maalin ka la dhacay, mar walba weerarka waxaa laga soo qaday dhanka waqooyi, xitaa kii u dambeeyey, ee dhacay maalintii heshiiska la ka la saxiixday ka dib.

Wuxuu warwareego, iswaalo, ugu dambayn, Gaas wuxuu aqbaly waaqic jira, xaqiiqo taagan iyo run aan indhaha laga qabsan karin, oo ah jiritaanka Galmudug. Qorrax sacab lagu ma qarin karo. Sidoo kale, Galmudug, god ka ma gelin karo, balse, taas Gaas ma garan, sida uusan u garan WAXSAN waligii.

Dhimasho, dhaawac, qax, burbur hanti iyo maxaabiis ka dib, Gaas wuxuu ka la furay indhaha, dhabtana dhaayaha saaray. Dad badan waa lax dhukan abaar moog. Kaba darane, mar xeero iyo fandhaal ka la dhacay, ayey hambaabiraan.

Gaas, aqoonsi ka sokow iyo aqbalaad, wuxuu tagay dhanka koofurireed, oo uusan tagin, malaha markii horana, aan qorshaha ugu jirin, wuxuuna yiri: “Cadaado waa ka soo shaqeeyey, Dusmi Reebna waa magaaladaydii, dadkaan meel ka la ma jiraan, waa ehel!” xaafaddii, mooryaantii iyo malleeshiyadii halhayska u eheed, dhan ayuu is ka dhigay, ugu yaraan marka uu erayadaa lahaa, oo ninku waa Gaase, hadduu rabo, wuxuu is ku badali karaa inyare.

Aqoontii jaamacdeed, ma waxay noqotay, gobol iyo magaalo ka la qaybi, beelo ka la dil, dirir huri, colaaad abuur, dagaal rid iyo hoobiye magaalo ku garaac? Hadday saa tahay, fadlan, qabqablayaashii noo soo celiya, saa iyagu aqoon ma lahayne, awood ayey wax walba ku raadinayeene! Sida warqad loo saxiixo waan naqaan, balse, waxa ku qoran in aan hirgelanno ma naqaan.

Dagaalka Gaalkacyo, wuxuu uu ku billowday, waxaa ka weyn, waxa uu salka ku hayo, oo uu dabasocdo, aniga sida ay i la tahayna afar arrin ah:

1- Aano qabiil, dakano beel iyo uurgunud hayb, oo qarniyoyaal ahaa, micnaha beri hore u dhacay, walina qaarkood dhacayaan.

2- Heshiiskii labo Cabdiwali, ee ahaa, in Mudug iyo Gaalkacyo loo ka la qaybiyo qabiil! Laba Cabdi Wali waxay ka la saxiixdeen sedbursi kii ugu foolxumaa, maxaa yeelay, is weyduuntu ma ahan dhaqanxumadooda oo kali ah, ee waxay taabanaysaa wixii ay soo xarxarriiqeen iyo sida waaqica dalku yahay! Natiijadii hadda ayaan haynnaa heshoodkooda.

3- Dhismaha maamulka Galmudug, ee waaqica noqday, isaga oo ka qaraweyn kii uu hore u ahaa magac, muuq, maamul iyo meegaar. Heshiiska laba Cabdi Wali maxaan loogu qeexin xuduudka kale, ee Puntland ay la leedahay, ee Waqooyi, ee loogu gaar yeelay kan koofureed? Maxaa yeelay, waxaa jira muran aan ka jirin dhankan heshiiska beeleed lagula degdegee. Ma waxay xuduud la leedahay beesha Waqooyi, ee Somaliland, mise waxay xuduud la leedahay Khaatumo State?.

4- Dhismaha garoonka cusub, ee Galmudug, oo la yiraa, OSHACO, oo Gaas iyo guruubkiisa, marar badan is ku dayeen, in ay diyaaradaha ka hor istaagaan, in ay ku soo dagaan. Haddaan labo eray ku soo koobana, waa; JIRITAAN iyo DHAQAALE. Ujeedku wuxuu yahay, Gaalkacyo iyo Mudug, inta labo beel ay u ka la qaybsan tahay, una ka la qaybsanaahe, mar walba, waxaa lagu noolaan cabsi iyo wadna kurkur! Gaas iyo Guuleed, dagaalka Gaalkacyo iyo guhaaddiisa, ka la qaybsanaanta gobol iyo magaalo ayaa lagu xasuusan doonaa!

Xalku wuxuu ku jiraa, wadahadal, tanaasul, wadaag, walaaltinnimo, soomaalinnimo iyo darisnimo, wixii ka soo hara, waa halaaggeenna iyo hooggeena, ee yaan laga shaqayn fadlan, waliba, kuwo berri marka xilka ay dagaan ama laga qaado, iska bixi doona, oon dib loo arki doonin, yeysan dhallinta naga dhammayn dhurwaayadu!

Ma gudbenimadu, ma ahan ogaal yari, aqoon la’aan ama aqool maran, ee waa in aad is la qaladkii labo mar ku celiso, adi ha kaa dhaco ama qof kale ha ka dhacee, hore ha u dhaco ama haddabee, adoon dareensanayn dib u dhaca ka dhalanaya. Waxaa ka sii daran, marka aad joogteyso, ee aad ka dhigato; sunno, siraad iyo sargoyn, sal u ah saldano maamul, sandaqad ganacsi iyo sabad qoys.

Ogoow, dhan walba, aqoon, ogaal, aqool, arag iyo agabba, waxaa ku socda, hormar ballaaran, marka laga reebo hannaanka beelaysigeenna, oo aad mooddo, in uusan halkiisii ka dhaqaaqin, haddii uusan dib u laaban!

Ninka baa raba, maanta oo la marayo 2015ka, in dagaal beeleed iyo dirir qabiil uu horjeege ka noqdo, walibana, uu taageero ku helo, ka sokowna, aqoon sheeganaya, ee aan qalalaasi hii qabqable, qasaarihii wadaad aan ku cibro qaadan, ma gudbe miyowsan ahayn?! Aragtidaada ayaad ku aqoon tahay!

“INKAAR qabe inaad tahay

Aan lagu aflixin abid

Iintaadu badan tahay

Agagaas inaad tahay

Ama aad ABOOR tahay

Igu diidi mayside

Umaddan maxaad tari

Ama maanta ugu taal


HAL AQOONNA ugu tahay?.”

Bashiir M. Xersi

brdiraac@hotmail.com

https://bilediraac.wordpress.com/