Teydu waa sharci, taaduna waa sharci daro !

Toronto | QOL | Feb 2, 2016 | Waxaa dhegaheena ka batay muran ka taagan habka doorashada 2016 lagu wado inay u dhacdo, waxaa lagu murmay lagu kala carooday laguna kala fogaaday habka la isu waafajin karo doorasho wadankan ka dhacda. Waxaa loo kala baxay laba kooxood qolo aaminsan in doorashadu ku dhacdo qaabkii lagu soo waday ilaa sanadkii 2000 shirkii Carta ee 4.5-ka iyo qolo ku doodeeysa in habkaas uu ahaa buundo lagu soo gudbayay caqabadihii taagnaa ee ahaa in maamul Soomaali u dhan tahay marka hore dhidibada loo taago, waxay kaloo yiraahdeen mar hadii laga gudbay ku meelgaarkii hal xillina uu maamulka wadanka ku soo shaqeeyay hab aan ku meel gaar ahayn ay markan tahay in laga gudbo qaybsi-qabiilka loona gudbo hab kale, kaasoo ay sheegeen kooxdaasi inuu yahay habka ku saleeysan degaanka, hadaba qolo waliba maxay doodeeda ka dhigatay:

1.  Qolada 4.5-ka aaminsan waxay ka kooban yihiin ama u badan yihiin Soomaalida inteeda kale marka laga reebo beelaha dega Puntland dhulalka ay ka arimiso, waxayna ku doodaan in qaab dhismeedka gobollada Soomaaliya u dhisan yihiin uu yahay hab sadbursi ku saleeysan kana yimid maamulkii Kacaanka, iyadoo uu maamulkaasi degaamo ama gobollo ku saleeysan hab beeleed ku sameeyay qariidad aan cadaalad ku dhisnayn bishii August 1979 oo wadanka Soomaaliya ka hor ahaa 8 Gobol ka dhigay 16 Gobol, mar labaadna 1989 ku daray 2 gobol oo cusub kana dhigay 18 gobol, isagoo dhulal aan dad badani deganeeyn gobollo iyo degmooyin ku magacaabay , gobollana la qaybiyay, tuulooyina degmooyin loo magacaabay halka gobollo iyo tuulooyin kuwaas lakala jaray ama degmooyin loo magacaabay la baaxad ah ama laga yaabo ka dad badanaa sidoodii loo daayay, sida ay ku doodayaan kooxdani.
2.  Qolada aaminsan hab degaameedka, waxay cuskanayaan in habkan 4.5-ka uu yahay hab lagu kala qaybinayo Soomaalida iyadoo qolo lagu tilmaamayo inay “Dhan” yihiin qolana ay “Bar ama Nus” yihiin, waxay kaloo ku difaacayaan habkooda inuu yahay mid cadaalad ku dhisan qof walibana uu xaq u helaayo inuu halka uu degan yahay xaqiisa ka heli doono, waxaa kaloo ay doodahooda u cuskanayaan Dastuurka iyo in hore looga socdo habkan 15 sanno lagu soo dhaqmayay, iyagoo ku tilmaamaya in habkan ay uga maqan yihiin xuquuq badan.

Nidaamka 4.5-ka waa hab Soomaalidu taqaano, qabiil walba oo Soomaali ahna uu qayb ku yeesho masraxa Siyaasada Soomaalida haba lagu kala badnaadee, iyadoo lagu cabiro tirada beelaha Soomaalida Halbeeg soo jireen ah oo aan ku saleeysnayn tiro sax ah oo la ogyahay laakiin lagu sheeko xariir cabiro.
Laakiin waxa uu muranku ka taagan yahay qolada aaminsan qaabka degaanka ku saleeysan, kuna dooda inay danta ummadda Soomaaliyeed ku jirto nidaamkaas.

Hadaba hadaan soo qaato hormuudka qolada degaanka ku dooda ee Puntland, waa maamul goboleed waqti dheer dhisnaa, kana nidaamsan maamul goboleedyada kale ee maanta dhisan isagoo ku kasbaday dhowr qodob oo aan ka soo qaadan karno:

• In dhulka uu ka arimiyo ay degaan bulsho kuwada abtirsata hal beel oo ka tirsan 4.5-ka Soomaalidu wax ku qaybsatay.
• Iyagoo degaan ahaan u degan gobollo buuxin kara shuruudaha Federaalka ee dastuurku qorayo.
• Degaamadaas oo aysan dagaalladii maamulkii Siyaad Barre lagula dagaalamay iyo dagaalladii Sokeeye aanan ku jirin, islamarkaana ah dhulalka aysan webiyadu marin, ahaana dhulalka ay u qaxayeen dadka dhulalka qaniga ah ee lagu dagaalamayay iyo Xamar ka bara kacay.

Maamulkaas Puntland oo uu dhidibada u taagay (AUN) Kornayl Cabdullaahi Yuusuf Axmed, wuxuu ahaa maamulkii ay ka timid fikraddan Federaalka ee Soomaalidu ku wareersan tahay, iyagoo ulajeedadoodu ahayd in Soomaali ku kala badbaadi doonto hadii qabiil waliba uu dhulka uu dego Maamul ka dhigto, laakiin xilliga nidaamkaa la abuurayay ma jirin dhul Soomaaliyeed oo nabad ama maamul ka jiro marka laga reebo maamulka Puntland, laakiin si laab lakac ah ayaa loogu magacaabay nidaamka Soomaaliya magaca uu maanta leeyahay Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya.

Waxaa xigay Dowladii uu madaxa ka noqday Sheekh Shariif, waxay tacaal la gashay la dagaalanka kooxihii uu Sheekhu ka tirsanaa oo u kala baxay, Al-shabaab, Xisbul Islaam ama Haraadigii Maxkamahadaha, iyadoo dhanka kale ee Puntland ay weli dabada ka riixayeen in habkan Federaalka ah la hirgeliyo dastuurkana lagu daro qaabka federaalka Soomaaliya noqon doono, hase yeeshee xilliga ay howshaasu socotay Maamulkii Sheekh Shariif Xamar 3dex meeloo meel ka yar ayuu ka ariminayay iska daa wadanka ay nidaamka u dejinayeen warkiisee.

Waxaa la isla gartay in Puntland oo ahay degaanka keliya ee ay markaasi nabad ka jirtay in lagu saxiixo heshiis la magic baxay GAROWE 1&2, iyadoo ay wada saxiixdeen:

1. Dowladda Federaalka Ku Meelgaarka Soomaaliya (DFKG)
2. Puntland
3. Galmudug (Gaalkacyo barkeed)
4. Ahlu-Sunna wal jamaaca ( Ma ahan tan maanta ka jirta gobollada dhexe)

Hadii aad dib u eegtid afartaan kooxood ee heshiiskaa saxiixay waxaa is weeydiin leh:
a) Iimisaa maanta ka jirta kooxahaas ?.
b) Imisaa degaano ay heshiis ku geli kartay ka jiray ?

Waxaa cad inay Puntland keliya ka jirto maanta, inta kale waxay ahaayeen kuwo magac ahaan u jiray, waxaa cad in Galmudug oo ahayd maamul jufo hoose keliya ay leeyihiin kana jiray Gaalkacyo barkeed ay heshiis geli kartay, waxaa kaloo cad in Dowlad Soomaaliyeed oo dhulkeeda 99.8% aan gacan ku haynin ay heshiis geli kartay.

Hadaba Dastuurka habkaa u jira Soomaalida ka baxsan intaa aan kor ku soo sheegay macno ma u sameeyn karaa ?

Puntland oo ahayd halka laga soo minguuriyay nidaamkaan goboleedyada waxaa la gudboonaa inay dhabarka u xirtaan taabagelinta maamul goboleedyada , sida xalka ay ugu arkeen in Garowe 1&2 iyo kooxaas fara ku tiriska ah ay heshiiskaa uga saxiixdeena inay isku dayaan inay taageeraan dhismaha inta kale si ay u gaaraan hadafkooda ahaa nidaamka federaalka, hase yeeshee maxaa dhacay.

Waxaa wadanku yeeshay dowladii ugu horeeysay ee aan ku meelgaar ahayn, waxaa biloowday fikir ah in la dhiso maamullada wadanka, waxaana ka biloowday olole dhanka Galmudug oo Puntland deris la ah, waxaa durbadiiba isqaqabsi ka yimid maamulku ma waafaqsan yahay Garowe 1&2, waxaa la isku qabsaday Gobolkii Mudug in laba loo kala jaro, iyadoo uusan dastuurka Garowe 1&2 uusan qorayn in gobollada lakala gooyo qabiilna la isu raaco.

Puntland oo ahayd halka uu markii horeba ka yimid Nidaam Goboleedyada waxay noqotay inay iyadu hor istaagto in federal la hirgeliyo, ugu danbeeyntii iyadoon dheg jalaq loo siin waxaa dhismay maamulkii Galmudug oo ka koobnaa Mudug barked iyo Galguduud.

Puntland waxay dafirtay muran xoogana ka keentay jiritaanka maamulka Galmudug oo ka wayn kii Ex-Galmudug isla markaana ay hor fadhiisato diiday, hase yeeshee waxay ogolaatay Maamulka Guriceel ee Ahlu-Sunna, iyagoo ogaa in Ex-Galmudug oo Gaalkacyo barked ahaa ay u aqoonsanaayeen dowlad goboleed Garowe1&2-na wax ka saxiixay.

Ninbaa waxaa la yiri wuxuu ka dhex shaqeeysan jiray laba cid oo dagaal ka dhexeeyo, wuxuu sameyn jiray inuu qolo wax ka soo xado uu ka iibin jiray qolada kale mar hadii aysan cid ka daba imaan kartaahi jirin, kedib muddo markuu sidaa u noolaa ayaa waxaa la yiri waxaa heshiis dhexmaray labadii qolo, markaasuu wuxuu yiri “ Ceyri Waa Cagteed Ku Noole, Rabiyoow Colaad Noogu Naadi”

Waxay sidaa udaba taagnaataba waxaa la soo gaaray inay cadaatay in dastuur waqti hore wadan aan nabad ahayn, dadka Soomaaliyeedna aysan ka warqabin sharci lagu doodaa noqon Karin, waxaana qasab noqotay in Soomaalidu qolaba qolada ay masuulka ka dhigato matasho lagana wada hadlo aayaha iyo mustaqbalka Soomaaliya laga bilaabo 2016, iyadoo ay is hor fadhiisteen inta maamul ee maanta jirta.

Puntland waxay ku adkeeysatay in degaan wax lagu qaybsado, halka 3dexda maamul goboleed ee kale ee jirana ay iyaguna mid walba fikirkiisa dhiibtay, kedib markii ay Soomaali heshiin waayeena la go’aansaday go’aankii dowladii ay iyagu doorteen 2012, taasoo go’aamisay in Soomaaliya degaan aysan diyaar u ahayn inay wax ku qaybsadaan laguna dooran doono doorashada soo socota habkii hore loo yaqaanay ee 4.5, inta dadka Soomaaliyeed laga tirinayo loogana gudbayo qof iyo cod.

Waxaan garnaqeeyga ku soo gabagabeeynayaa Dastuurkan wadanka u degsan oo qaybo badan oo mugdi lagu saxiixay, qaybo badan oo dano qaas ah loo sameeyay iyo isagoo qabyo qoraal ah uusan noqon karin dastuur dal iyo dad aan raali isu ahayn lagu dhaqi karo, teeda kale waxaan muran ka taagnayn in  habka doorashada degaanka ku saleeysan uu yahay hab ay isticmaalaan bulshada caalamka kuwooda caqliga bisil, waana habka ugu fiican ee doorasho, isla habkaasi wuxuu ku yimaadaa qof iyo cod(One man one vote) ee kuma yimaado qaybsi qabiil, laakiin habka qaybsiga degaanka ay Soomaalidu rabto wuxuu noqon doonaa hab aan haba yaraatee ka hirgeli Karin dad qabyaaladu ku fog tahay sida dadka Soomaalida, wuxuu kaloo habkaasi meesha ka saarayaa qolada hadda loo yaqaano kuwa laga tirada badan yahay oo aan haba yaraatee xaq u yeelan doonin in nidaamka iyo dalka ay wax ka leeyihiin ka qaybgalaan maamulkiisa xuquuq simana ku yeeshaan.

By Mustafa Salad Awale

Dhaqanka beelaha geelleyda (beelaha hubeysan).

Muqdisho | QOL | February 3, 2016 – Diinta Islaamka Somaalida waxa ay soo gaartay Iyada oo bilow ah, waana xiligii NABI MUXAMED C.S.W uu joogay Makka,uusanna u Hijroon Madiina.

Raadkii u horreeyay ee Diinta Islaamka waxaa reebay, Saxaabadii u soo hijrootay dhulkii Xabashida  (Ardul Xabasha) oo ay Somaalidu kamid aheyd dadyowgii ku noolaa.

Sidaa daraadeed Somaalidu waxa ay ka mid tahay dadyowgii ugu horreeyay ee Islaamka qaata, ilaa maantana waa dad Muslim ah 100%.

 Annaga oo ka amba qaadeyna halkaas, Muslim iyo Gaalba waxaa la isku waafaqsan yahay in aafada koobaad ee Somaali kala irdheysay ay tahay qabyaalad la dhoodhoobay,madax iyo majana ay beelaha geelleyda  (beelaha hubeysan) mas’uul ka yihiin wixii hoog iyo halaag Somaali qabsaday, badayna meesha ay maanta taalo.

Maras iyo miskiin la maquuniyo,

Mayd lagu kor maansoodo,

Miyi iyo magaalo lawada mayraco,

Anaa kaa mudan wax kasta lagu maroorsado,

Muslim waxaan u qalmin lala soo mutaxnaado,

Waa dhaqan ay leeyihiin beelahan, oo badda iyo barrigaba ku baahay.    Nin u dhashay waddanka Maroko Muslimna ah oo sifiican u bartay dhaqanka Somaalida ayaa yiri “ Somaalida badankood Diinta Islaamka waxa ay ka qaateen magac ee dhaqan kama qaadan”!.

 Aqristow Bal aan eegno Carabtii Jaahiliga Islaamka ka hor dhaqankoodii iyo Islaamka ka dib waxa iska badalay !.

Carabtii jaahiliga dhaqankoodii bulsho waxaa ka mid ahaa:-

*Jahli

*Dulmi

*Kooda awoodda leh waxa uu boobi jiray kan daciifka ah

*Dagaalo joogta ah oo aan macna laheyn,sida dagaalkii Daaxis & Gabraa,oo ka curtay labo faras oo la tartansiiyay misana mid kood laga dheereeyay.

Nin gabyaa Carbeed ah ayaa ku tookhay:-

وأحياناً على بكر أخينا إذا لم نجد إلاّ أخانا

Mararka qaar waxaan ku duulnaa walaalahayyaga Bakar,marka aan weyno cid shisheeya ah oo aan ku duulno.

Dhaqankii Carabtii jaahiliga ee noocaa ahaa,Islaamka ka dib waxa uu isu badalay Bil cagsi,ilaa ay gaareen in ay dumarkoodii isu furaan.

( واعتصموا بحبل الله جميعا ولا تفرقوا واذكروا نعمة الله عليكم إذ كنتم أعداء فألف بين قلوبكم فأصبحتم بنعمته إخوانا وكنتم على شفا حفرة من النار فأنقذكم منها كذلك يبين الله لكم آياته لعلكم تهتدون) ( 103)

Qabsada xariga Ilaahay dhamaantiin,hana is khilaafina, xusa nimcadii Ilaahay dushiina ku galadaystay ,goor aad isu eheydeen cadow,oo Ilaah quluubtiina isu soo dumay,oo nimcada Ilaahay aad walaalo ku noqoteen,waxaad eheydeen god naareed qarkiis,oo aan idinka badbaadinnay,sidaas ayuu Eeba weyne u caddeeyaa Aayaadkiisa,waxaad mudantihiin in aad ku hanuuntaan.

قال الفاروق عمر إبن الخطّاب رضي الله عنه ” لقد كنّا أذلاء فأعزنا الله بالإسلام ، فإذا إبتغينا العزة بغيره ِ أذلنا الله

Khaliifkii labaad ee Islaamka, Cumar Ibnu Khaddaab (RC) wuxuu yiri:-

Waxaan aheeyn qoom duleysan,Ilaah waxa uu nagu ciseeyay Islaamka,haddii Islaamka meel aan aheeyn sharaf ka doono,Ilaah waa na duleynayaa.

Walaal bal qooraanso oo si fiican u eeg dhaqanka Somaalida maanta iyo dhaqankii Carabtii jaahiliga,waxa ka dhaxeeyo jawaabta waa xagaada.

Hardanka Hawiye iyo Daarood oo kooban:

Hawiye:waxa uu u kala baxaa:-

Abgaal,Habargidir,Xawaadle,Murusade,Sheekhaal,Gaalijecel,Baadicadde,Jajeele,Jidle,Dagoodi,Murale,karanle,Masarre,Moobileyn,Ajuuraan,Hillebi,Beydiisle,Udeejeen.

Daarood:waxa uu u kala baxaa:-

Majeerteen,Ogaadeen,Mareexaan,Dhulbahante,Warsangeli,Leelkase,Garri,Awrtable,Bartirre,Abaskuul,Abba-yoonis,Weyteen,Baalcad,Galimeys.

Labadaan Beelood waa beelaha ugu badan Somaalida, deegaankoodu wuxuu ku baahsan yahay,barrin kasta iyo meel kastoo aqal Somaaliyeed udubkiisu ka mudan yahay,waxayna camiraan dhulweynaha geeska Africa,oo ilaa maanta ay dagan yihiin.

Labadaan beelood Hawiye iyo Daarood,inta la ogyahay waligood waxaa ka dhaxeeyay dagaalo qadiimi ah,oo noqday meherad la iska dhaxlay,dadka yaa laayay Hawiye iyo Daarood,dadka yaa bara kiciyay Hawiye iyo Daarood,dadka yaa boobay Hawiye iyo Daarood,dalka yaa dowlad la’aan dhigay Hawiye iyo Daarood,dalka yaa cadow gacantiisa galiyay Hawiye iyo Daarood,dalka yuu ka dagi la’yahay Hawiye iyo Daarood,darxumada yaa na baday Hawiye iyo Daarood………………………………………………………………!!!

Tolow awoowayaashaan Hawiye iyo Daarood,ma ayagaa soo bilaabay colaadda dhax taalla wiilashooda,misa wiilashaa fidnada bilaabay ? !!!.

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La soco qaybta 4aad ee maqaalka.

QORE: Macalin Mukhtaar Sh Cabdiraxmaan ( Macalin Dugsi)

macalindugsi@gmail.com

_____________________

Toronto | QOL | February 5, 2016 – Inkastoo xadaaradda iyo teknoolajiyada aduunka ay maanta gaartay heerar mujtamaca aduunka uu isbadel weyn ku dhaco. Waxaa laga soo guuray hab duug ah, waxaana loo soo guuray hab cusub oo loo baahan yahay inay fahmaan kumanaanka waalid ay ku adkaatay sidii ay ilmahooda ugu jideyn lahaayen sida toosan ee mustaqbilkooda iyo ayaaha cimrigoodu ku hagaagi lahaa. Ma filaayo inay jirto waalid habeen ku seexday in ubadkiisa seegaan hamiga iyo himilada uu la jacel yahay, haddana waxaa bulshada waayahan danbe camiray ilmo uu ka lumay toobiyaha nolasha, iyagoo ubadkaas magansaday balwad, jahwareer, dibjirnimo iyo iyagoo marin habaabiyey kumanyaal kale oo ficil ahaan kaga dayday.

Hadaba, xumaanta iyo dhibaatada haysata ilmahan waxey bulshadii badeen dib u dhac dhan kasta leh, waxeyna horumariyeen isticmaalka maandooriyaha oo ah mid dhiskooda iyo maskaxdooda uu ku shaqeyso waana tii la yiri (jir fiyow ayaa leh maskax fiyow) markaana bulshadu uma fadhido in mustaqbil laawe bulshada ku soo kordho, waana wax loo aayo. Waxkastaba gun iyo aasaas bay leeyihiin waxeyna baarayaasha iyo culimada cilmi nafsiga si wada jir ahaan u soo saareen; in sababta ugu weyni ay tahay rabaayaasha ubadka iyo hoyga korriinka billowga ah, sidaa awgeed ayaan jecleystay bal inaan halkaan ku xuso asbaabo kale oo arimahaan ku taxaluqa.

Ugu horeynba mustaqbalka waa saadaal, saadashuna ilaah baa ku shaqo leh xagiisayna ka diiwan gashan tahay ciribta danbe, balse bani’aadanka waxaa korkiisa ah dadaal iyo tawakal, bal haddaba akhtistow halkan waxaan kuugu hayaa qoys ka kooban shan carruur ah iyo hooyo iyo aabbe, waxaana jeclahay qoyskaan aan tusaalaha u soo qaadannay in aan wadajir ahaan halkan ku muujino qariirada mustaqbilka.

Waxaa caado ah in waalidku ilmihiisa la jeclaado siduu jecel yahay, taasoo aalaba jahawareer iyo ismaan dhaaf keenta. Khasab maahan in ubadku muuq iyo mustaqbalba ugu ekaado waalidka, laakiin waxaa suurro gal ah in ay dhacdo qaar dhaxla taxanihii nolasha ee waalidka. Laga yaabo aabuhu waa sheekh diinta aad u yaqaan, waxaa dhici karta in la helo wiil ama gabar aad ugu fur-furan barashada Quraanka, taasoo ah raadkii aabihihiisa, marka haddii ubadku aabahaas wanaagsan ka leexdan maahan dad lumay oo caasi garoobay, balse waxaan oran karnaa himiladii ayaa kala rogatay, waxaana lagama maarman ah marka in ilmaha lagu garab qabto wuxuu jecel yahay.

Waxaa laga yaaba shan caruur oo isku bah ah oo naas wada nuugay, dhabar kaliyana ka wada yimid isku hoyna ku soo barbaaray, qaar inay la ciirayaan mustaqbal la’aan waalidku horseed ka yahay, kuwa kalena ay cagta la heleen dhabihii baraaraha iyo mustaqbalka toosan. Haddaba ma waxaan oran karnaa waalidka ayaa ubadkakiisa kala jeclaa? Waa maya, ma waxaan oran karnaa misina ubadka ayaa kala dadaal badnaa? Misna waa maya jawaabtu, markaa su’aashu nala gudboon sow maahan maxey ku dhacday arintaan?

Shantaba waxaa wada dhalay hooyo iyo aabbe. Waxbarashada ama aqoonta aabbaha waa ilaa heer jamacadeed, hooyaduna waxey ku siman tahay ilaa heer dugsi sare, markaa shanti caruur waalidka waxey u jiheeyeen mustaqbalkoodi tacliin heer jaamacadeed, iyagoo waalid ahaan u arkaaya in ay ugu liibaani doonaan siday iyaguba ugu liibaaneen, maxayse noqotay natiijadii? Waxey noqotay in qaar kamid ahi ay ka muuqdaan bogg-tacliimeedka, qaarna ay ku noqotay dhibaato iyo wax aan sinna looga dhaadhicin karin macaankii iyo qiimahii lagu maleynaayey, maxaa dhacay waxey u noqdeen kuwii waxrashada ku fiicnaa tusaale lagu caayo oo dhagahoodi ay dhibsadaan, taana waxey dhalisay in laba ka mid ah ubadkaasi ay dugsigii ka saaqidaan; dhiciddii imtixaanka iyo natiijo raaligalin weyday darteed, tan xigta in gurigiiba isaga huleelaan cayda waalidka, qeylida joogtada ah darteed, markaana ay ku biiraan bahda maalintii oo dhan jiifta habeenkiina soo jeedda, biyo dhigooduna waa mustaqbal la’aan iyo in ay noqdaan warshadda dhibka soo saarta.

Kuwii bogg-tacliimeedka ka muuqday waxey noqdeen kuwa amaanta iyo ducada waalidka maalin kasta joogta ku ah, waxaana loogu yeeray baariyaal mustaqbal leh; waa yaabay! Mustaqbalku ma baqtiyaa nasiib baa?

Annagoo is leh nuxurka maqaalkan fasir, waxaana la yaab leh heerka khasabka nolosha ubadka gaaray, oo hadduu farsamo-yaqaan rabo, ma waxaad ku khasbeysaa looyarnimo ama injineernimo waalidow sidaad jeceshihiin ilaahaa idiin hayee dadaala oo raaca taladan.

Waxaa la yiraahda Ilmaha marka ay dhashaan waa dhaxdhaxaad, laakiin marka danbe waxey u liicaan dhinaca loo barbaariyo inta ay yar yihiin. Mar haddii cunugu sanadka toddobaad madaxa la galo waxaa ku saran waalidow waajib caan ah, kaas oo ah in ubudka muslimka ah tacliintooda lagu dhinac wado barashada diinta waa hadalkii Eebbe ee koonka abuuray, markaa waxa haboon in gogol looga dhigo maskaxda ubadka ee maran, laguna bilaabo cajalka maskaxda magaca ilaahay.

Taana waxey waafajineysaa cunuga oo u sahlaysa ku ilhaaminta Eebbe mustaqbalkiisa. Waxaa kaloo la ogaaday cunugu inta uu yar yahay da’da ilaa 9 sano ay qofnimadiisu tallaalanto, waxaana xiligaa soo ifbaxaa dhaqdhaqaaqyo iyo ifafaalo ka turjumaya waxa uu rabo isagoo waalidow kuu soo badhigaaya waxa uu rabo iyo waxa uu naceb yahayba markaana waxa kula gudboon waalidow inaad ubadkaada diyaarisa aayaha mustaqbalkooda oo la gaarto meel salka looga dhiso wax ku saabsan camel falaadkiisa ama iftiinka nolosha u soo bidhaamaysa, loomana baahna inaad himiladiisa ka leexiso, oo aad ku qasabto waxa aad la dooneyso, taana waa hooya ba’a mustaqbalkiisa.

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Hassan Sheikh

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Maxaa xuubka caarada na badey xaqana noo diidey

Ma xooleynu nahay maa dulmiga laga xajiimoodo

Xaqiyo baadil kee baa xurmo leh waa xujiyo yaabe

(Abshir-Bacadle)

HORDHAC/GOGOL-DHIG

Allaah ayey mahad oo idili usugnaatay, nabadgalyo iyo naxariisina Nabigeena Muxammad ah korkiisa Allaha yeelo.

Fadlan lasoco meelaha ka midabka duwan qoraalka waa Link-yo (Hyperlinks) qoraalka kulifaaqan, kuwaasoo lagusoo ururiyey baaritaanka (Research-ka) qoraalka lagu sameeyey, macluumaad dheeri ahna kusii siinaya, sida qoraallo muhiim u ah qormadan.

Aqristoow; xilligii Dastuur-kusheegan/Dal-Tuurkan lasameeynayey, ayaa waxaa qolooyin kala duwan, oo isugu jiray hey’ado caalami ah, dowladaha dariska, iyo kuwa ciidamada eey kajoogaan, iyo waliba ugu dambeyn hal maamul-beeleed, oo ay nasiibdarro! Horboodayeen madax katirsan DFKG aheyd, ayaa kawada shaqeeyey in eey waxa eey rabaan midkastaahiba ku darsado. Nasiibdarro! Xilligaa waxaa Madaxweyne dalka ka ahaa Sheekh Shariif Sheekh Axmed, oo sanadkiisii ugu dambeeyey saaxiibadii markii laga wada eryey iska seexday, oo khuuradiisa min Villa-Soomaaliya illaa Garowe laga maqlayey, halka Ra’isulwasaarena uu uahaa Cabdiweli Maxamed Cali Gaas, oo xaqiiqdii ah qabyaaladiiste gaamuray, dagaal xoogan oo dhanka siyaasada ahna kula jira reer Muqdisho/beelweynta (H). Nasiibdarro! Ninkan hadafka qabyaaladeed ee uu dalkan kaleeyahay halistiisa ayuu leeyahay, hogaankii hor istaagi lahaana wali ma aanu soobixin, wuxuuna wadamada dariska wakiil uga yahay, sidii aan dib dambe looheli laheyn Soomaaliya oo leh dowlad dhexoo awood leh, oo dalkoo dhanna uwada talisa, soona celisa sharaftii iyo karaamadii ummadeena, isago taa uarka in eey muhiim utahay siijritaanka iyo saameynta siyaasadeed ee maamul-beeleedka Puntland.

Maadaama Cabdiweli Gaas uu ahaa ninka Dastuur-kusheegan/Dal-Tuurkan waday, wuxuu latashaday ina adeeradii sida: Cabdiraxmaan Xoosh Jibriil oo ahaa wasiirkii Dastuurka iyo Dib-uheshiisiinta xukuumadda KMG aheyd ee Soomaaliya, iyo Cabdiraxmaan Maxamed Maxamuud Faroole oo markaa ahaa horjoogaha maamul-beeleedka Puntland, Oo qabyaaladiisa uu xitaa Cable-kii Wikileaks faafisey, uu Safiirka Mareyka ee Nairobi inta la yaabay kusheegey, in eey ninkan uga dhagtey 1991-kii, heerka fikirkiisa siyaasadeed ee qabyaalada kudhisanna uusanna xilligaaba soo dhaafin. Waxeey isla garteen in wadamada dariska, beesha caalamka, iyo hey’adaha caalamiga ahba loo kala ogolaado, in waxa eey rabaan loogu daro Dal-Tuurka, si eey ufududaato in Isbaheysi-Beeleedkana waxa uu rabo loogu daro. Waana sida dhacday, oo qolokastaba wixii eey rabtey baa loogu daray.

Qolooyinka Beesha Caalamka, iyo hey’adaha caalamiga sheegtaba waxeey doorbidayeen in dhanka Diinta eey inaga weeraraan, iyagoo maanka kuhaya, Soomaalida eey Gaaleeysiiyeen, oo eey urabaan in eey waxweyn uga badalaan dalkan 100% Muslimka ah, iyagoo Dastuur-kusheegan/Dal-Tuurkan kudarsanaya in Diinta dalka waxeey rabto noqonkarto, in Madaxweynuhu nin iyo naag, Gaal iyo Muslim tuurabo noqonHYPERLINK “http://somalitalk.com/2010/08/26/dastuur/”karo, sidii ku qorneydba qodobka 95-aad, oo ku saabsanaa shuruudaha qofka Madaxweyne unoqonaya Soomaaliya. Waxeey uqoreen sidan: “Waxaa loo dooran karaa xilka Madaxweynaha muwaadinkasta oo Soomaaliyeed, oo ay da’diisu gaareyso 40-sano, lehna sumacad sare, waayo aragnimo iyo heer aqoon oo kuhaboon hogaaminta xushmada qaranka”. Ogoow hade Dastuurkii Soomaaliya ee 1960-kii laguna sameeyey Muqdisho, qodobkiisa 71-aad wuxuu dhigayey sidan: “Muwaadin kasta oo Muslim ah, Aabihii iyo Hooyadiina ay labaduba yihiin muwaadiniin asal ah, oo xaq uleh in uu cod dhiibto/bixiyo, da’diisa aysan kayareyn afartan iyo shan jir, waxuu mudnaan uyeelanayaa in uu noqdo Madaxwaynaha Jamhuuriyadda…”. Dastuurkii DKMG ee 2000-ka lagu soo sameeyey Jabuuti, qodobkiisa 23-aad isna wuxuu dhigayey sidan: “Waa inuu yahay Muslim ku dhaqma diinta, labadiisa waalid yihiin Somali dhalad ah…””, Midkanse weey kasaareen! Waxbadan oo dhanka diinta ah baa kabuuxay. Fadlan lifaaqa kore uga dharag, balse isweeydii sababta kooxdii waday eey uga ogolaadeen Gaalada qashinkaa eey la gulfinayeen?

Wadamada dariska iyagu waxeey si gaar ah udoorbidayeen dhanka xuduudaha, sida eey ku darsadeenba qodobka 7-aad ee quseeya (Dhulka Jamhuuriyada Federaalka Somaliya), farqaddiisa 3-aad oo dhigayey: “Dhulka Jamhuuriyada Federaalka Somaliya ee khilaafaadka soohdimaha caalamiga kadhasha, in xallintooda loomaro tub nabadeed, iyo iskaashi waafaqsan qawaaniinta Dalka udegsan, iyo kuwa caalamiga ah”. Waxeey sidoo kale daneeynayeen in Soomaaliya loo qeeybiyo maamul-beeleedyo yaryar “Balkanization of Somalia” oo Madaxweyneyaal-kusheegyo loowada sameeyo, xuduudo-beenaadna isku wada heeysta, midkasta uu udhaqmo in uu dalka isaga kataliyo, si loowaayo Soomaaliya oo mideeystan, awood xooganna leh, taasoo iska celinkarta, amaba halis kunoqonkarta dalalka dariska, iyadoo Federaal-kusheeg/Fadaro-Aal loogu soo gambanayo. Waxaana sidiisaba Federal-ka isticmaala caalamka 20+dowladood, dhamaantoodna dadka dowladahaasi kudhaqani waa kuwo kala Diin, kala dhaqan, kala Isir, iyo kalana luqadba ah. Caalamka kama jirto dowlad sideena iyo dalka Japan oo kale ah, oo isku Isir, Diin, dhaqan, iyo luqadba ah, haddana, Federalism/Fadaro-Aal ayaan kudhaqmeeynaa leh, ama ogolaadeyba markii qoorta loo surey intaba. Waxeeyse aheyd qandaraas foolxumo badan, oo xilligii Mbegathi Itoobiya ay Col. C/llahi Yusuf usoodhiibtey, iyadoo uga gadatey in ay Madaxweyne-nimadii uu 30+sano raadinayey kadhigeeyso, hadii uu fulinayo qorshahan dalkiisa iyo dadkiisa lagu kala googooynayo. Nasiibdarro! Hadadanbaa kuwo kufaanaan in eey Hooyo uyihiin Fadaro-Aalka, waloow aaneey kudareyn xaqiiqda ah in odeygii kadhaleyna yahay Itoobiya!

Dhanka kale wadamada ciidamada eey Soomaaliya kajoogaan, oo eey kujiraan kuwa dariska, ayaa iyana xooga saarayey xaga Jinsiyada, dhalasho qaadashada, iyo cidda Soomaali ah, ama noqonkarta, iyadoo 5-sano lagusoo koobayba, iyo in eeytahay in ilmaha Ajaanibtuna eey dalka kudhashaan oo kaliya. Waa kuwa kudarsaday Dal-Tuurkan qodobka 29-aad, Lambarka 1-aad oo dhigayey: “Ubad kastaa markuu dhasho [kudhasho Soomaaliya] wuxuu xaq uleeyahay inuu helo magac suuban iyo jinsiyad.”, si ciidamada mudada joogay, iyo Oromada, Tigreega, iyo Xabashida dalka kusoo qulquleeysa, Waqooyiba ha ubadnaadeene, eey dhalasho uwada qaataan, illeeyn gabdho Soomaaliyeed ayey wada guursadeen, luqadii Soomaaliga, qabaa’illada, iyo waliba ku abtirsishadooda ayey wada barteen, waliba kan Koonfur joogana wuxuu bartey qabaa’ilka Waqooyi, kan Waqooyi joogana wuxuu bartey qabaa’illada Koonfureed, si aan loofahmin, iyo si dadka eey ugu wada milmaan, berina dalkan loogu gacangaliyo, inta taageero dhinac kasta ah lala garab istaago.

Nasiibwanaag! Wixii dhanka diinta khuseeyey waxaa ka qeeyliyey culumadii Soomaaliyeed oo BayaanHYPERLINK “http://somalitalk.com/2012/apr/bayaan.html” kasoo saaray. Dhanka Badda iyo Dhulka aqoonyanno baa ka hadlay, sida qodobo kaloo farabadanba talo soojeedin muhiim ah looga sameeyey. Nasiibdarro! Dhanka dalka lagu kala googoynayo waloow laga hadlay, hadana sidii larabay xooga looma saarin. Waxaase kasiidarnaa wixii Isbaheeysi-Beleedku kudarsaday, oo aanba reer Muqdishadii eey dureeysey, aaneeyba kubaraarugin, sidaa daraadeedna nasiibdarro! Aaneey waxbaba kaga qaban.

Waxyaabaha Isbaheeysi-Beeleedkaa uu kudarsaday Dastuur-Kusheegan/Dal-Tuurkan waxaa kamid ah in nasiibdarro! Gobolka Banaadir aanu maamullada dalka laga hirgalinayo midkoodna ku biirikarin, iskiina maamul gaar ah, oo kaligii taagan, oo maamullada kalena lasiman aanu noqonkarin. Nasiibdarro! Waxaa sidoo kale usii dheer in Aqalka Sare (The Senate) aanu waxba kuyeelankarin, taasoo micnaheedu yahay in qiyaastii dadka 3-Million kor udhaafaya, ee ku nool gobolka Banaadir aaneey laheyn wax xuquuq ah. Taasoo aheyd Bam-Siyaasadeed lagu xasuuqay dad 3-Milyan oo qof ah, Illaa aqoonyahanno Soomaaliyeed sida: Dr.Khaliif M Ducaale is weeydiiyaan in dadka kunool gobolka Banadir lagu tilmaamikaro in eey yihiin muwaadiniin darajada labaad ah/second class citizens. Ogoow hade waa gobolka kaliya ee culeyska dhaqaale lasaaray, ee canshuurta dadkiisa laga qaado, iyo dakhliga kasooxarooda dekkada iyo garoonka Muqdisho, laga bixiyo qarashkii lagu kala socodsiin lahaa dowlada loowada dhanyahay ee Soomaaliyeed, laguna masruufo/biilo dhamaan qeybaha kala duwan ee dowlada, iyo dhamaan noocyada kaladuwan ee ciidamada qalabka-sida, dabcan marka lagukabo waxa beesha caalamka laga helo.

Aqrisoow: Ulajeedada Isbaheeysi-beeleedkaa ay sidaa usameeynayeen, oo eey kuxisaabtamayeen ayaa waxeey aheyd, in gobolka Banaadir iyo magaalada Muqdisho uyihiin reer Muqdisho/Beesha (H) culeys weyn oo siyaasadeed, sidaa daraadeedna tahay in fursadan looga faa’ideeysto, oo inta goori-goortahay garbaha laga siirifo, si beri loo dhoho dastuurka maqabo, ama dastuurkaa lagu tuntey, ileyn gobolka Banaadir ookaliya ayaa ugu yaraan noqonaya 18-degmo, hadii deegaan wax lagu qeeybsado, cid aan reer Muqdisho/beel weynta (H) aheyna kama soogaleyso’e. Nasiibdarrada jirta ayaa waxeey tahay in arinta dadka reer Muqdisho intooda badan ka hoosbaxsan ayaa waxeey tahay, marka Cabdiweli Gaas maanta deegaan kudoodayo, ee sadbursi-beeleedka kuraadinayo, qeyb kamid ah qorshahaa ayaa ah, in 18-ka degmo ee gobolka Banaadir aaneey xisaabsiba laheyn, oo waxba aan lagasoo qaadeyn. Nasiibdarro! Sheekh Shariif oo gobolka Banaadir kasoojeeda, dalkana Madaxweyne ka ahaa, waxa bilaa xuquuqda laga dhigayana dadkiisa iyo deegaankiisa yihiin, waa la ogoleeysiiyey, iyadoo loogu marmarsiyoonayo in Muqdisho eey tahay Caasimad. Ogoowna hade Caasimad waxkale ma aha ee waa magaalo maqaam gaar ah leh, oo ah meesha dowlada dalkaa matashaahi eey kushaqeeyso (Seat of government), oo xafiisyadeeduna kuyaallaan, iyadoo sharci uu qeexayo xiriirka kadhexeeya iyada iyo dalka intiisa kale, balse sida caalamkaba kawada jirta, haba yaraatee wax diidayaa majiraan in eey Caasimada noqoto maamul gaar ah (Capital and State), iyo in eey lahaato madaxbanaani awood siyaasadeed oo dhanka dowlada dhexe. Tusaalaha eey kudhaganaayeen dadkii shirqoolayey Caasimada, ee lahaa xuquuqdeeda duudsiiya, wuxuu ahaa Washingtin D.C. oo aan kamid aheyn State-yada Mareeykanka, Laakiin waxaa kabadan magaalooyinka kalee ah Caasimado iyo States-ba. Meelkalaba ha aadin, Itoobiyadan qorshahan Fadaro-Aalka wadata, caasimadeeda Addis Ababa waa caasimada, waana State. Caasimada Jarmalka (Berlin of Germany) Iyana waa caasimada waana State. Australia, Malaysia…..IWM. Balse sidaan horey usoo sheegneyba Sh.Sariif hurdo aad uqoto dheer (Nowmul Cariis) ayuu kujiray, illaa sifiican Garowe looga maqlay, sidaa daraadeedna loogu dulsocday! Waxaa Xaq aheyd iska daa in Muqdisho xaqeeda weeyso’e, in sida caasimadaha kalee State-kana ah, in Iyana eey noqoto State gaar ah, xaqeedana leh. Waxeeyse ubaahneyd siyaasiyiin garasho fog, dareensanna in eey tahay deegaanka ay kasoo jeedaan (Their political constituency). Nasiibdarro! Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh baaba kasii daray, oo iska daa in uu xaq duudsiintaa yeelay’e, wuxuuba Puntland iyo Somaliland kumaslaxeeyey saami dheeri ah/Sad-bursi, oo aaney wax xaq ah ulaheyn, bal si uu u ogoleeysiiyo nidaamka 4.5-ka, iyo rajada soonoqoshadiisa intaba.

GABAGABO IYO GUNAANAD

Aqristoow bal isweeydii’e miyaanu gobolka Banaadir kamid aheyn gobollada dalka? Dadka kunool gobolka Banaadirse miyaaneey laheyn xaq iyo xuquuq sida Soomaalida gobollada kalee dalka kunoolba uleeyihiin? Miyaaneey laheyn siyaasiyiin iyo waxgarad udooda xaqa eey dalkooda hooyo kuleeyihiin, ugalana simanyihiin gobollada kalee idil? Maxaa keenay in la ogolaado oo aan cidiba ka dhiidhinin in gobolka Banaadir xaqiisa laduudsiiyo, oo laxaqiro 3-da Million ee kunool dhamaan degmooyinka gobolka?

Nasiibdarro ragbaa ufikiray, cid lafahmikarta ulajeedadaa iskana dhicisa lama helin.Waxaanse rajeeynayaa in qormadan wacyi-gelinta ah, sabab unoqoto isbadal dulmi iyo xaqiraad diid ah, sidaana dadka reer Muqdisho xaqooda kuhelaan, oo dib ulasoo noqdaan. Wabillaahi Towfiiq.

“Run sheeg, waa ceeb sheeg!”

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Qoraa: C / Qaadir Maxamed Cismaan (Cabdiboqor)

Maamule-kuxigeenkii hore ee Kulliyada Maamulka iyo Dhaqaalaha, isla Kulliyadaana Macallin ka ahaa.

Al-Madinah International University Abdulkadirphd@hotmail.com

Minnesota, USA.

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Muqdisho | February 28, 2017 | by Abdi Latif Dahir | As a massive winter storm gathered steam and approached New York last month, I lost my cousin. I lost a very good friend from high school, too. Both Abdirahman Sheikh Bashir and Omar Olad died in the same place, at an attack that targeted a beachside restaurant in the Somali capital, Mogadishu.

When I first learnt of the attack through my Twitter feed, I posted a note of concern for those who were targeted. Lido beach, for those who have visited Somalia, is a symbol of the city’s comeback. It is a space that captures the rhythmic changes of Mogadishu, and the pulsing beat of a country shedding its war-weary image. “Stay safe everyone,” I wrote, rather naively. Just over twenty minutes later, I went on Twitter again and posted a message of prayer for those caught “in this dusk of danger and darkness.”

An hour later, I came to know about their deaths through the messaging app, WhatsApp. After the first group of people ran into safety, Abdirahman and Omar couldn’t be accounted for. When the siege ended in the wee hours of the day, family members went back to the restaurant and identified their bodies. That’s when my older sister texted me from Nairobi to break the news.

The words on my phone’s screen reverberated throughout the quiet apartment. I felt the heat at the back of my head rising. Suddenly, the wheels of the cars speeding against the nearby highway came into focus. The stillness of the leafless trees outside was discernible. The world, for a moment, seemed to rise in collective upheaval and violent silence. And the first thing that came to my mind was the last time I saw my cousin Abdirahman.

It was in Lido beach. It was January 11, 2016 — eleven days before his death. He was sitting in the same café where he was killed. I had traveled to Mogadishu from Nairobi in early January for a reporting project that I was working on. That night, a friend picked me from my hotel, and we went to have dinner together. When we got there, Abdirahman was seated with a group of friends besides the beach. His feet were buried in the sand, and his sandals lay on his side. When I approached him and called his name, he leapt from his chair and gave me a tight hug. “I thought you were in New York,” he said, “I can’t believe this.” He was warm and cheery that night, the glint in his eye showing content. I had dinner with my friend. He finished his, and we bid goodbye.

When we were living in Mogadishu in the late 1990’s, Abdirahman was a pillar of strength for my siblings and I. Every weekend, he would come home and help us with our homework: Arabic grammar, science — and for me, the much-dreaded algebra equations. He was a person to rely on: shy and reserved, yet a go-getter. Growing up, often times, I saw myself in his image. As a young boy, I remember hating the idea of tucking my shirts. My mother had a hard time convincing me to do that too. Afterwards, she would cajole me by saying, “Don’t you want to be like Abdirahman?” And when I said, yes, she would add, “Then tuck in your shirt.” I almost always obliged, even though I disliked it after a while and untucked.

After finishing school, Abdirahman went abroad to study agrochemistry, and went on to complete a master’s in agronomics. He recently returned to Somalia to be part of the wave of men and women rebuilding the country. It was amongst those dedicated and driven circles that he met and befriended Omar, my high school friend. Omar was a year ahead of me at Al-Hikma Secondary School in Mogadishu. He was very competitive and sharp, and we always encouraged each other. After he finished, he kept calling our home every now and then, motivating my brother and I to work hard. (We both graduated top of our class that year.) Omar was eloquent, a witty guy with a teethy smile. After high school, he became a teacher, and was a lecturer at Simad University in Mogadishu when he died.

What a tragedy, I thought, that two guys I both admired met by happenstance and died in the same place! The gritty realism of it all dawned on me as inches of snow covered New York that weekend. Looking at the Facebook photos of Omar and Abdirahman sitting together, posted by friends and family, I thought about the new wave of violence eliminating the country’s young brains. I remembered my friend, engineer Abdullahi Barre, who was shot in front of his house in Mogadishu in April 2015. I thought about my high school friend, Omar Afrah, who narrowly survived a car explosion. I counted the number of journalists, businessmen, aid workers, teachers and lawmakers that I knew who were killed in the last few years.

The violence that currently dominates Somalia is as much physical and emotional as it is gruesome and ghastly. Those who have the will and the way are either hiding in buildings behind hesco barriers or leaving the country. Yet nobody is fully safe. Nonetheless, through an unyielding veneer of persistence, people in Mogadishu wake up and go to work every morning. They defy the violence, and try to run normal lives — until they don’t. Many have a Panglossian view of the city — optimistic and determined despite all the hard circumstances. Yet, it is hard to ignore the toll left behind by these sporadic attacks, not pitting one warlord against the other, but bright young men and women against those determined to reverse the gains of the last few years.

I sit here today, writing this, thinking about Abdirahman’s wife. On February 4, she gave birth to their third child. She was named Bushra: good tidings.

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Abdi Latif Dahir

Journalist. Traveler. Listener. Bookworm. Currently studying at Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism. Email: abdilatifdahir@gmail.com

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Muqdisho | QOL | March 21, 2016 – Toddobaadkan ayey ahayd markii xeebaha gobollada Mudug & Nugaal ay soo tubteen cutubyo ciidamo hubaysan ah kuwaa oo sida la sheegay ka tirsan ururka shaydaaniga ah ee ugus (Daesh or Shabab).

Waa dhacdo la yaab ku noqotay dadka qaarkii maadaama aan looga baran deegaannadaas in shabaab si bareer ah oo aan dhuumasho lahayn barqa cad uga soo degaan deegaannada puntland ka taliso gaar ahaanna xeebaha Nugaal & qaybta Mudug ay ka arrimiso.

Ugu horreyntiiba waxaa abuurmay sawaxan iyo cabsi aad u badan oo ay muujiyeen shacabka deegaanka iyo maamulkuba, sax xabbad maahan waxaan laga cabsan ee waa wax laga cabsadaa waliba laga cararaa oo cagaha wax laga dayaa si taas ka ag dhawna xabbadda shabaab waxaaba u dheer ismiidaamin iyo isqarxin waana taas midda ay kaga duwan yihiin rasaasleyda kale ee geyiga la jooga “Soomaali & Amisom qaarkeedba”.

Aad baan uga xumahay, uga walwalsanahay ayna ii dhibaysaa in puntland oo ka mid ahayd meelaha dalkeyga ugu amniga badan ay hadda ka muuqato saansaan colaadeed taasoo sababi kadha barakac, dhimasho iyo dhaawac iyo amnigoo faraha ka baxa muddada hardan kaasi socdo, waxaana aaminsanahay in qofkastoo soomaali wax garada ah uu taas ila wadaago.

ILAAH waxaan ka tuugay kuwaas deegaanka nabdoon colaadda la soo doontay inuu garabkooda ka boxo qaybtii RABBI uu hanuun u qorayna usoo dedejiyo.

Intaas ka dib waxaan rabaa inaan is dul taago hadalkii wasiirka Amniga ee Puntland, “Qarjab” oo shir degdeg ah u qabtay isla markaana DF Soomaaliya ku eedeeyay inay ayadu kooxdaan argagixisada ah soo agaasintay puntland-na ay kusoo jahaysay. WAGAR!

Waa hadal wadkii galay laakiin malahayga aysan maanta jirin cid soomaali ah oo laga iibin karo dacaayaddaas aadka u raqiiska ah. Horta wax walba oo ka dhan ah maaulka, maxay dawladda ugu eedeeyaan? Waxaan ka baqaa, abaaraha, roob la’aanta iyo jiilaalkana in ay dhahaan dawladda ayaa roobkee Xamar u wareejisatay!

Waxaa nasiib darro ahayd in marka Qarjab sidaa u hadlaayey ay hareeraha ka taagnaayeen dhowr shaqsi oo ka mid ah mas’uliyiinta maamulkaas mana qaban ishaydu halmid oon is iraahdo malaha warkaan waa uu dhibayaa haddaysanba ku faraxsanayn.

Madaxweynaha maamulkaas MD Cabdiweli Gaas ayaa haddana warbaahinta la hadlay oo muxuu yiri, maxaase uga ekaa inuu dacartii wasiirkiisu dhiiqay ka yiraahdo?

Wuxuu yiri “anigu ma aaminsani in DF Soomaaliya ay kooxdaas shabaabka ah soo abaabushay ra’yigaasna ma qabo” wuxuu kaloo sii raacshay MD Cabdiweli Gaas ”anigu wasiir si toosa u yiri arrintaas ma maqal laakiin waan maqlayey si dadban ayey wasiiro uga hadleen arrintaas oo siyaalo badan loo turjumay”. Si dadban? Oo si dadban, Gaas muxuu u yaqaan horta?.

Qaybta hore ee hadalka MD Gaas maahan mid cad waayo wuxuu yiri MA AAMINSANI ee ma dhihin MA JIDHO, taasoo la macne ah ma aaminsani laakiin waa ay suurowdaa arrintaasi. Micnaha, mar walba nimankaas Xamar fadhiya waa ka suuragal, in ay Shabaab noo soo xawilaan! Oo kaalay, Shabaab ma Xamar baa laga xawilaa, iyada ayaaba ku dhibbane?.

Qaybta danbena waxaad mooddaa inuu inkiraayo hadalkii gefka ahaa ee wasiirkiisu ku hadaaqay, mise xurguf hoosaad ayaa jira oo madaxweynaha iyo wasiirkiisa ayaa si kale iskula dabaal jooglaynaya ‘IIMA KALA CADDA ILLAA HADDA, balse, IIMA KALA ROONA!’.

MD Gaas waxaa uga ekayd ama haddaan si kale u dhigo waxaa habboonayd inuu qaladka wasiirkiisu galay Raalligelin ka bixiyo haddii ay u suurta galaysana uu wasiirkaas xilka ka xayuubsho maxaa yeelay wuxuu ku kacay wasiirku waa danbi qaran oo madaxdii Qaranka ayuu ku sheegay kuwa shabaabka ku adeegta oo maalinba deegaankey rabaan gala yiraahda, xitaa hadday jirto caqabad hor taagan xilka qaadistiisa waxay ahayd inuu mowqifkiisa meelcad iska taago ee balabalabala ayuu sheekadaba kusoo xiray.

Waxaan maqli jiray; ninkii waasha walaalkii baa u fiyoow, laakiin ka warran haddaad waalato haddana walaal ku xirta, ku daweysta kulana tacaalaa uusan jirin? Balse taas baddalkeeda ay aad kuu aga dhooban yihiin kuwo horay goofa gade kuugu sii tuura! Xaqiiqadu waa inaadan waligaa raysanayn ee aad sidaa u waalnaan doonto inta noloshaada ka dhimman, aadba iska waalnaatide waxaa kuu dheer taas inaad isku haysato qof fiyoow oo waliba dadka kale ka nin karmeedsan, maxaa yeelay markaad aqalka hooyadaa dab iyo badrool isugu darto oo dhammaantiis aad dhulka la sinto ayaa lagu leeyahay haa, haa, sax weeye, sax weeye, si fiican baad yeeshay, ALLA muxuu aqallo gube yahay, markaa baad adna inta tuur isku yeesho booraqtantaa, hadde ma aaminsanid in wiil kaa sarreeya EEBBE weyne abuuray, waayo waxaad tahay ninkaa aqalka habartiis dabka qabadsiiyey kuna faansan ALLOW ALLE!

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W/Q: Bashiir Cali Barre

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HORDHAC / GOGOL-DHIG

Allaah ayey mahad oo idili usugnaatay, nabadgalyo iyo naxariisina Nabigeena Muxammad ah korkiisa Allaha yeelo.

Aqristoow aan ku bilaabo’e sida caadaduba aheyd barnaamijkii 3-dii biloodba mar laqaban jiray, ee Fagaaraha Forum, ayaa habeenkii Sabtida aheyd, taariikhduna ku beegneyd: 27-ka bisha Maarso 2016-ka, waxaa lagu qabtey magaalada Minneapolis ee gobolka Minnesota ee carro Mareeykan.

Su’aasha looga doodayey ayaa waxeey aheyd: “Caqabadaha doorashada 2016-ka xal loowada dhanyahay malaga gaarikaraa?”

 Waxaa doodaa kawada qeyb galayey afar shaqsi, oo midkastaahiba lasiiyey 15-daqiiqo, iyo min 1-daqiiqo oo kucesasho ah (rebuttal), iyadoo kadibna su’aalaha dadweynaha loofuray. Sidan ay magacyadooda isugu xigaan, beey ufadhiyeen doodana ugu kala hormareen:

1-Marwo Xaliimo Ismaaciil Ibraahim (Xaliimo Yareey), oo ah gudoomiyaga guddiga madaxa bannaan ee doorashooyinka qaranka ee 2016-ka.

2-Dr.C/Raxmaam Maxamed Cabdi Xaashi oo ah dhaqaaleyahan usoo shaqeeyey Bankiga Aduunka (World Bank), musharrax Madaxweynena ahaa doorashadii 2012-ka.

3-Xildhibaan Ibraahim Saleebaan Xaaji Nuur (Ilkacase), oo ah Xildhibaan katirsan Baarlamaanka Dowlada Loowada dhanyahay ee Soomaaliyeed.

4-Daahir Mire Jibriil oo mar usoo ahaa madaxii shaqaalaha (Chief of Staff) Madaxweynihii hore Col. C/llaahi Yuusuf Axmed.

Marwo Xaliimo Ismaaciil Ibraahim oo ah gudoomiyaha guddiga madaxa bannaan ee doorashooyinka qaranka ee 2016-ka, oo xaqiiqdii aheyd qof aftahanad ah/hadal-aqoon ah, aheydna qofka kaliya ee aanan noqon khaarijul-moowduuc, ama aheyd qof aanan kabixin moowduuca dooda, una hadashey si heer qaran ah, kana duwaneyd sida ragga miiska lafadhiyey, laba kamid ah eey uhadlayeen. Qodobadii eey doodeeda kusoo bandhigtey waxaa ugu muhiimsanaa kuwan:

Waxeey sheegtey in mandate-ka, ama waxa loo unkadey Guddiga Madaxa Bannaan ee Doorashooyinka qaran, ee ay gudoomiyaha utahay uu ahaa in Soomaaliya eey gaarsiiyaan doorasho xalaal ah, oo qof iyo codkiis ah (One-Man-One-Vote), balse shuruucdii, qawaaniintii iyo guddiyadii ka horeeyey, oo dhan aan lasameyn oo aan wax laga qaban. Waxeey sidoo kale sheegtey in dalka uu ka jiro isfiirsasho dhanka siyaasada ah, lagana baxidoonin illaa la helo dib-uheshiisiin dhab ah, oo ummada Soomaaliyeed dhamaantood isku wadacafiso.

Waxeey ku nuuxnuuxsatey in eey tahay ruux jecel dowladnimo Soomaaliyeed, garaneysana qiimaha qaran Soomaaliyeed uu leeyahay, maadaama qaran Soomaaliyeed uu bilaash kugaarsiiyey heerka ugu sareeya waxbarashada. Qaran la’aan dhibaatadeedana soo aragtey burburkii kabacdi. Waxeey sheegtey in madaxda dalka la xaqdhowro, oo mansabkooda lasiiyo, wixii eey khaldaana lagula xisaabtamo. Waxeey tiri waxaa sharaf ii ah in aan Madaxweyne leeyahay iyo dowlad dalkeeyga matasha.Waxeey dadweynaha ka codsatey in wanaaga iyo xumaanta la isubarbardhigo, oo xumaan oo kaliya aanan lasheegin.

Waxeey sidoo kale sheegtey in 4.5-kan iyo deegan-kusheegan meelaha lala ordayo, ee la dhoodhoobayo aaneey waxba isdhaamin, oo ay isku midyihiin, illeyn deegaanka lagaasoo dooranayo qabiilka ugu tunka weyn ayaad waxweyn kuheleeysaa, ama reer hebel meesha aad tagtaan baad wax kaheleysaa oo kaliya, waa isla qabiilkii iyo qabyaaladii oo lamaldahayo.

Dr.C/Raxmaan Maxamed Cabdi Xaashi oo ah aqoonyahan bartey dhaqaalaha, kana sooshaqeeyey hey’ado farabadan, oo uu kujiro Bankiga Aduunka (World Bank), kana mid ahaa musharixiintii utartamay qabashada jagada Madaxweynenimo doorashadii 2012-ka, hadana umuuqdey musharrax Madaxweynenimo marka aad ufiirsato, sida uu Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud udabadhigtey, iyo guud ahaan dowlada uu Madaxweynaha kayahayba. Doodii uusoo bandhigey isagana waxaa ugu muhiimsanaa qodobadan:

Isagoo si aad uxagjirta uhadlaya wuxuu yiri, “4.5 waa halaag, waxaana dib loogu noqonayaa dagaalladii sokeeye ee 1991-kii!”. Wuxuu ku celceliyey in Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh iyo dowladiisaba eey ku fashilmeen wixii loodoortey.Wuxuu isla mudaxay in uu yiraahdo “Dadka sharafta leh” marka eey fashilmaan weey iscasilaan, taasoo biyadhaceedu ahaa Xasan sheekh ma aha qof………!!!

Wuxuu sheegay “Madasha Wadatashiga Qaran” in aaneey sharci aheyn, oo eey boobeyso howshii Baarlamaanka, wuxuuse hadana siiraacsiiyey, waxaa Madashadaba keeney Nicolas Key iyo Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud. Waa meesha Soomaalidu katiraahdo’e, hadalkiisaba wuxuu ahaa “Wixii xunba Xaawaa leh!”, ama waxkastoo xun Madaxweyne Xasan sheekh baa leh.

Nasiibdarro! Waxaan aad udhibsaday markii iyadoo eey agfadhiso Gudoomiyihii Guddiga Madaxa bannaan ee doorashooyinka qaran: Marwo Xaliino Yareey, ayuu yiri: “Guddiga doorashooyinka, waa in uu ahaadaa GUDDI DHAB AH, dad MAGAC iyo MAAMUUSNA ummada kudhex leh! Eey hogaaminayaan!” Qadafkaa wax raaligalin ah kama aanu bixin! Wuxuu sidoo kale weerar ku asqeeyay Xildhibaanada qaranka, iyadoo sidoo kale Xildhibaan Ilkacase miiska lafadhiyo, oo wuxuu iyana yiri: “Xildhibaannada dhamaantood wax maqabtaan, waxkalena meesha uma joogaan in eey Mooshinno keenaan mooyaane!”, inkastoo markan uu gadaal iska qabtey, raaligalinna kabixiyey, isagoo sheegay in eey jiraan Xildhibaano farabadanoo wadaniyiin ah, oo aad uqiimo badan. Inbadanoo dalkooda ushaqeeynayeyna ladilay, oo naftooda kuwaayay.

Xildhibaan Ibraahim Suleeybaan Xaaji Nuur, wuxuu dhanka hadal aqoonta soo ag cariirsanayey marwo Xaliimo Yareey. Wuxuu isagana doodiisii ku yiri: Mushkilada Soomaalida heeysata ama heer gobol ha ahaato ama Federaalka’e, hogaamiyeyaasha sharci kuma dhaqmaan. Wuxuu sidoo kale sheegey in “Madasha Wadatashiga Qaran” aaneey sharci aheyn, oo Baarlamaanka xaqiisii lagu dhacayo, lana midyihiin Saxiixayaashii xilligii kumeelgaarka. Wuxuu intaa kudaray: “Iyadoo dhankaas Madaxdii inaga riixeeyso, ayaa dhankii shacabkana iska keen caaynayaan, innagoo ah kuwa kaliya ee dhibka ummada kahadla”.Wuxuu yiri “Ogaada Minnesota waxeey ka mid tahay meelaha Soomaaliya laga dumiyo”. Dhanka dowladana wuxuu ka yiri: “Villa Soomaaliya laga soobilaabo 2012-kii illaa maanta, waxa kaliya eey ku mashquulsaneyd waa sidii eey kusoo noqon lahaayeen 2016-ka”. Wuxuu sidoo kale yiri: “Hadaan Madaxweyne Col.C/Llaahi Yuusuf jirin dowladnimo majirteen, oo Col.C/llahi Yusuf dowladnimo ayuu doonayey, hadda kahorna Gen.Gabre buu kadiidey in Caasimada laburburiyo, halka Madaxweynihii kan hadda jooa ka xoreeyey [Sh.Shariif Sh. Axmed] uu Itoobiya ka ogolaaday in 30,000 oo ciidamo ah utababareeyso, balse shardiga kuxirani yahay, in eey 30-sano kawada yaraadaan, si eey unoqdaan kuwa aan taariikhda waxba kala socon. Aad baan ula yaabay ereyadaa, dabcan waan garanayey in qabyaalad aanu sidaa Col.C/llahi Yusuf ugu jadbeeysneyn, illeyn Puntland kamasoojeedo’e, balse malaha dadbuu kukasbo islahaa, illeyn Col.C/llaahi Yuusuf taariikh ummadu wada taqaan buuleeyahay’e. Xasuuqii uu kageeystey Xamar iyo Xamar-Daye 2004-2008-dii waa wax lawada ogyahay. Isagaa usabab ahaa in Caasimada dhulka ladhigo oo laburburiyo, boqolaal kun laxasuuqo, kumanaan labarakiciyo, dumar taro badan lawada kufsado, iyo in ciidamada Itoobiya markii ugu horeeyey ay xiibta Liido tagaan, dagaanna Wasaaradii Gaashaandhigga Soomaaliya. Si aad u ogaato dhibka baaxada weyn ee dowladii Col.Cabdullahi Yuusuf iyo Itoobiyaankiisii uu Taangigooda saarnaa, waxaa kaaga filan qoraagii weynaa ee Soomaaliyeed Cabdulqaadir Aroma (AUN), wuxuu buugiisii caanka ahaa ee “Taangiga Tigreega”, soonabaxay sanadkii 2008-dii, bogagiisa hore ee X & XI wuxuu ku yiri ereyadan: “Shacab lagu qiyaasay labaatan kun ayaa laxasuuqay, laba milyan oo qofna waa la barakiciyey, 592 haween ahna waa la faraxumeeyey, hanti laba bilyan oo dollar lagu qiyaasayna waa la burburiyey, ama waa la bililiqeeystay. Goobihii waxbarashada & caafimaadka 80% waa xirmeen. Sidoo kale 84 Masjid waa xirmeen oo qaar baa rug ciidan laga dhitey……..”

Dabcan marka lagasoo tago huuhaada dadka qaar, Col.C/Llaahi Yuusuf wuxuu ahaa shaqsigii ugu horeeyey ee Itoobiya ugacan galay, oo eey kushaqeeysatay. Waa shaqsigii jabhad qabiileedkii (SSDF) ugu horeeyey Soomaaliya ku abuuray, ee sida isaga afkiisaba uu kaqirtey doorashadii Mbagathi, xabadan ummada Soomaaliyeed gallaafatey bilaabeyba. Intaa kufilan.

Daahir Mire Jibriil isaga wuxuu ahaa shaqsigii dooda ugu dambeeyey, meesha dadka kale qaarna Ipads wateen, qaarna waraaqo iyo notebooks eey wax kusoo diyaarsadeen wateen, isaga midkoodna mawadan, goobta markuu tagayna hadalka aad buu uraadraadinayey, gani ahaanba madiyaarsaneyn, balse sida aan hadalkiisa kafahmey wuxuu sifiican usoo dhageeystey oraahda siyaasiyiinta gobolka uu kasoo jeedo qaarkood. Nasiibdarro! Wuxuu uhadlayey sidii nin dad kasoo wada jeeda deegaankiisa, qol ugu dhex qudbeeynaya.

Doodiisa marka lasoo koobo, waxeey u ekeyd in Faroole iyo Cabdiweli Gaas ka dhex hadlayeen. Waxyaabihii uu yiri waxaa ka mid ahaa, hadalkii Faroole oo kale, ee ahaa “Dowlada Muqdisho kuma shaqeyn karto, sidaa daraadeed Caasimada waa in Muqdisho laga badalaa, oo loo badalaa magaalo yaroo amnigeeda la sugi karo!”, malaha magaaladaa Garowe buu ulajeeday, ee afka buu kadhowranayey, balse waxaa si kaftan macaan ah ugu jawaabtey, iyadoo dadka kawada qoslisey Marwo Xaliimo Yareey, oo Tiri “Walaaloow ma waxaad rabtaa in aad ina geeyso magaalo hal baabuur hadii walxaha qarxa lagasoo buuxiyo, iyadoo dhan dhul wada galeeyso!”, oo ka dhigneyd tuulooyinka 91-dii wixii kadambeeyey aasaasmey, Muqdisho lama tartansiinkareeyside inaga fariiso. Waxeey ugusii dartey “In Muqdisho lagu shaqeynn karo isagaba wuu ogyahay, oo xafiiskeeyga Villa Soomaaliya ku dhexyaalla, oo aan ku shaqeeyo wuu soo arkey”. Waxaa sidoo kale jawaab kabixiyey arintaa Xildhibaan Ibraahim Suleeybaan Xaaji Nuur, oo isna yiri: “Muqdisho waxa Caasimad ka dhigay guud ahaan Ummada Soomaaliyeed, Afti dadweyne beey caasimad kutahay, hadii laga badalayana Afti dadweyne weey ubaahan tahay, balse marka maqaamka Muqdisho laga hadlayo, waxaa laga wadaa meel qofkasta oo Soomaali ah lagasoo doorankaro, ee halaga badalo ma aha!”. Wuxuu sii raaciyey, “Sida aan maanta Garowe la iiga soodooran karin, baan Muqdishana la iiga soodooran Karin!”. Hadalkaa nuxurkiisa wuxuu ahaa: Muqdisho shalayna beel gaar ah Caasimad kama aaneey dhigin, hadana beel gaar ah sida eey rabtaba ha ubuuqdee, kama badalikarto caasimadnimada, dabcan sida aan qormadeeydii ciwaankeedu ahaa: Muqdisho weey dulmantahay iyaduna isma oga cidina uma oga! shaki galinta maqaamka Caasimadda, waxaa dastuurka lagashadey sanadkii ugu dambeeyey ee Madaxweyne Sh.Shariif iska seexday iyadoo markaas isbaheeysi beeleed ka koobnaa: Ra’isuwasaarihii xiligaa Cabdiweli Gaas, wasiirkii Dartuurka iyo Arimaha Federaalka ee xilligaa Xoosh Jibriil, iyo horjoogihii Maamul-Beeleedka Puntland ee xilligaa C/Raxmaan Faroole-oo dhamaantood Puntland kasoo wada jeeda- eey hagardaamadeeda sidii dastuurka loogu dari lahaa kashaqeeyeen.

Waxyaabaha kalee kasoo yeeray waxaa kamid ahaa hadalladii Cabdiweli Gaas, oo ahaa deeqaha caalamiga ah, iyo maalgashigaba waa in aaneey Muqdisho wada qaadane,Puntland iyo dowlada si siman uqeybsadaan-Malaha ummad kaloo waxqeybsi mudanba ma jirto!-, base inta dambe buu kabadaley oo yiri gobollada looqeeybiyaa. Wuxuu ku dheeraaday uhambalyeynta Puntland iyo sida eey Puntland dharbaaxada ugu dhufatey Al-Shabaab, waloow xaliimo yareeyba meel dhexe hadalkeeda ku sheegtey in gobollada dhexee Mudug iyo Galgaduudba “GALMUDUG” shacabka iyo maamulkooda oo iskaashanayaba eey Al-Shabaab meel iska saareen, oo Al-Shabaab ugali weysey, balse cidi ma sheegsheegto, oo ma buunbuuniso, beey tiri.

Mar uu Dastuurka dalka ka hadlayey wuxuu sheegey in eey tahay in lagu dhaqmo waloowbuu yiri: “Puntland qabto in wax badan laga badalay, sidaa daraadeedna tahay in lagu dhaqmaa midkii aan waxba laga badalin!”. Sida ka muuqata hadalkiisa ma ictiraafsanaba Guddiga Baarlamaanka ee Dib-u-Eegista dastuurka.

Dabcan sida laga filankaro ugu dambeyn sida Puntland-ba udiidey ayuu yiri 4.5 waa in meesha laga saaro, oo deegaan wax lagu doorto. Wabillaahi Towfiiq.

“Run sheeg, waa ceeb sheeg!”

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Qoraa: C / Qaadir Maxamed Cismaan (Cabdiboqor)

Maamule-kuxigeenkii hore ee Kulliyada Maamulka

iyo Dhaqaalaha, isla Kulliyadaana Macallin ka ahaa.

Al-Madinah International University Abdulkadirphd@hotmail.com

Minnesota, USA.

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By  Adam Mohamed || April 4, 2016 –  In February 2106, I published a short article titled “Puntland is experiencing a crisis of leadership, not an electoral dispute with the Federal Government” and highlighted the challenges facing Puntland and why a crisis of leadership was the cause of all the increasing misfortunes. I also stressed the growing distrust of Gaas in Puntland and called for a change of guard if Puntland was to overcome its challenges.

This short article serves as an extension. The indecisiveness and the poor leadership of President Abdiweli Gaas are uncovered verifying that indeed Puntland is experiencing a crisis of leadership.

For the last few months and as far back as September 2015, the Somali Federal Government and people have been occupied with finding a path to continue building on their political process. Public consultations and the re-instatement of the 2011-2012 Roadmap signatories (renamed the National Leadership Forum) gave the country great momentum to advance dialogues on many controversial issues.

So many contentious issues including the Constitutional Review and Implementation Process, Fiscal Federalism of which resource sharing and division of Federal and Regional State Powers is a top, and Integration of the Somali National Army have been under discussion. However, at center stage came the debate on the electoral process for 2016.

We have all followed the numerous consultative meetings across the country and the efforts of the Federal Government, international partners and regions entities in finding a harmonious election option based on the principles of enhancing legitimacy and transparency. In the end, the public consultations did not bare fruits.

Nonetheless, the Somali people domestically and abroad continued to have faith and a desire to see their country move forward. As a minimum, every Somali expected elections to take place no matter the circumstances or which electoral model was eventually settled on. This alone meant that progress was being made—however slow.

Public anxiety increased with every so-called National Leadership Forum convened in Mogadishu, then Kismayo and conclusively in Mogadishu. The process stalled at several junctures and ultimately divided the Somali people along political interests. The back and forth talks became unproductive and demoralizing.

The issue of the 4.5 clan power sharing formula took center stage. Proponents reasoned on grounds of security and that there is no an agreeable electoral model. Therefore, the status quo should continue. The opponents contended for options that increased credibility, transparency, and greater public voice. They argued that there must be progress towards universal suffrage.

The debates, conferences and consultations have all been engaging until the differences of public opinion on the electoral model. What is disheartening is the misleading and certainly the hypocrisy of President Abdiweli Mohamed Ali Gaas on the position and negotiation grounds of Puntland State.

Beginning at the second National Leadership Forum of December 2015, President Gaas begun proclaiming that a clan based 4.5 electoral model for Somalia was unacceptable.

He stated so in his speech at this forum and the subsequent platforms. Across Somalia, though overwhelmingly in Puntland regions, the Somali people began to consider the possibilities of new and progressive electoral options.

President Abdiweli Gaas became even more a hardliner as he appealed for public support on the matter. More and more public supported the President’s position to reject a clan based electoral model. Conversely, it should be noted that some analysts believed that President Gaas, personally supported and endorsed the 4.5 optino but could not publicly do so due to a strong political opposition in Puntland.

At the last Mogadishu meeting of the National Leaders Forum, President Abdiweli Gaas underscored his position, personally and based on the view of his constituency that he strongly opposed the 4.5 electoral model.

The President returned to Garowe with strong views on this issue and organized public demonstrations in support of his position. The public gave him all the support possible.

President Gaas enjoyed the alarming approval rates he gained from this issue and after exhausting the domestic support travelled abroad to North America. Somalis came out in thousands to stand with him. It was at these celebrations that the President decreed,

“We shall not accept 4.5 even if our challengers bring United Nations Secretary General Ban-Ki Moon with them”. It seemed as though the debate on the matter was over! Alas, it only intensified.

Right after President Abdiweli’s returned from the misleading victory lap in North America, a delegation of Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid travelled to Garowe to confer with President Gaas. After one week of meetings, it appears that President Gaas was all along a supporter of the 4. 5 electoral model. This afternoon, President Abdiweli is signing a face-saving agreement with the Federal Government and the International Community to end the deceitful posture and allow Somalia to move forward.

I wonder why President Gaas hoodwinked the People of Puntland? What possessed President Gaas to hold Somalia hostage for over eight months? What is it with the hypocrisy of Abdiweli Gaas? Can Abdiweli be trusted anymore? Will the President apologies for the blatant lies? What does the future hold for Abdiweli Gaas?
These are the questions Somalis on social media and analysts on Somalia issues are trying to answer. Only time will tell.

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The author, Mr. Adam Mohamed is a leadership expert, policy analyst and a freelance
writer. He can be reached at adamcadceed@gmail.com.

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India | QOL | April 5, 2016 – The United Nations Refugees agency across the globe has fail to fulfill it is obligations at large scale, especially under developed countries such as: south East Asia (Yemen, Nepal and India) and sub Sahara countries like Kenya, Ethiopia, and Uganda etc.

The UNHCR Mission has been initialized by entice group of pioneers and world well-knowledge people who had over fifty years of experience for global integrity and wide spread multi-cultural flexibility and diversity as well.

The Modern employees of the UNHCR across the globe specifically Asia and Africa in general these employees are worsened in very tremendously as per the current figures of the UN annual staff report.

This numbers are indicating a very weak environment of working as a team and not individuals. the lack of co-ordination and co-existence among themselves is very un-tolerable,the reason is simple and it occurs on failure of employees efforts and misunderstanding among themselves and wastage of human value and integrity so it remembering us the principle of management which says:(Put the right person to the right place) for better employees it is in other words the tool of maintaining comprises and distinguishing employees according to their capacities and performance and not the relatively relationship among employees in one hand and their respective managers to promote them into core  positions and recommending more than necessary.

The latest starvation numbers has been soaring for the past three decades in a very rapid notice of much displaced a Refugee in Africa, but Somalia has led world’s list catastrophic list of suffered Countries as UN’S ENVOY reports as shown  and it is  devastated human disastrous which insensible human tragedy has been notified and seen in the continent of Africa.

This kind of negligence from the management side leading the popular and this reputable and prestigious organization so called UNHCR or UN-Refugees Agency.

The Organic contribution has been manipulated and human pathology has been undertaken in several members like replacement of human body parts also they have been using child’s vulnerability as a human shilled and to be more eligible to shows the donors Countries to take the advantage of those vulnerable account for the sake of Aid and humanitarian assistance and help.

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By: Kassim Isse Dhuhulow (Mr.blackgold),

Freelance Journalist and advocate for Somali Community in India,

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Horudhac 

Sheekadani waxaa la yidhaahdaa: “HAYB IYO KALGACAL” waa dhacdo dhab ah, oo ka dhacdey geyiga Soomaaliyeed, waagii colaadaha sokeeye iyo dagaalladii dibindaabyada, kuna dhacday mid ka mid ah dhallinyarada Soomaaliyeed, dhacdadan ayaa dhacday goor ku aadan gu’yaashii u dhaxeeyey 2002-2006 wiilka dhacdadani tebinaya ee iiga sheekeeyey, waa wiil dhallinyaro ah oo arrintani soo martey, markaan dhegaystay aad bay ii dareen iyo xiiso gelisay, waxaana aan iga codsaday inaan qoraal ka dhigno bulshadana u baahino, qofkasta oo nool, waxaa jira Sooyaal naftiisa saamayn ballaadhan ku leh, kaasoo leh, goor naallo iyo nayaayir iyo goor naxdineed, goor murugo iyo goor muusood iyo obsi, sheekada waa tifaftirney oo waxaannu dhalanrogney, magacyada iyo dadka inaan carabka ku ballaadhino, anigoo ka feejigan iney saameyn ku yeelato, balse, goobaha ay ka dhacday si toos ah ayaannu u sheegi doonaa, Bogasho wacan.

Q1AAD.

Guuleed waa nin dhallinyaro ah, kana mid ah dhallintii ku nooleyd caasimadda dalka Soomaaliya ee Muqdisho waayihii colaaduhu ka socdeen, haddana waa nin ku qanacsana dhibkaas oo wuxuu habeen iyo maalin ku dedaali jirey inuu naftiisa horumariyo, una diyaargaroobo, is dhalanroga wanaagsan ee iman doona, ma ahayn dhallinyarada quusatey ee isu dhiibtay dagaal oogayaasha iyo kuwa ay la hadhay balwada iyo waxyaabaha maandooriyaha ah.

Waayaha adag ayaa dadku kala gurmaan oo nina waa ku dhacaa, oo waa ka gudbi waayo si uu uga dabaasho oo u dhabar adeygo, nina waa ka badbaadaa, waa marka la oggaado kartida qofka iyo hawlkarnimadiisa, haddaba Guuleed wuxuu ahaa nin waxna barta oo shaqaysta, Guuleed wuxuu naftiisa ku leylyey oo ku jujuubay inuu higsado hankiisana geliyo, nolol ka duwan tii hareerihiisa ka dhacaysay, iyo walaahowgii iyo wareerkii bulshada ku dhacay.

Guuleed wuxuu deganaa Degmada Dharkanleey, gaar ahaan Xaafadda Suuq yare, wuxuu ahaa nin bulshada iyo dhallinta halkaa degan dhexdooda ka muuqda, kaftan badan, furfuran oo firfircoon, haddana ka dhaqdhaqaaq badnaa kuwa la filka ah ee ku danseegay hawshoodana ka dhigtay waxyaabaha aan waxtarka u lahayn naftooda.

Guuleed wuxuu ka dhashay qoys ka kooban 9 qofood labada waalid(Tawl) iyo 7 Carruur ah, 6 wiil iyo 1 Gabadh, Guuleed waxaa ka roon oo ka weyn laba wiil inta kale ka yar yihiin, balse, inta markaas Tawlka(Waalidka) la nool isaga ayaa ugu weynaa, taasoo keenaysay inuu xil iska saaro noloshiisa iyo tan qoyska.

Guuleed wuxuu ahaa nin xidhiidh wanaagsan kala dhaxeeyo labadiisa Tawl “Waalid” isagoo yar oo 15 jir ahna ku biirey talada qoyska iyo maareeynta nolosha, arrintan lafteeda ayaa keentay inuu xil badan iska saaro siduu u nasin lahaa Aabbihiis Xalane oo ka mid ahaa ganacsatada suuqleyda ah ee Suuq boocle, sidoo kale Guuleed Hooyadii Suuban ayaa ahayd haweenka gedisleyda ah, ee hadba waxyaabaha cusub rogroga, iyadoo mararka qaarkood u kala gooshi jirtey, degmooyinka caasimadda ku hareeraysan iyo suuqyada magaalada ee waaweyn.

Guuleed qoyskiisu noloshoodu waxay ahayd mid dhexdhexaad ah, dad hayntoodu ku filantahay,balse, aan ahayn maalqabeen, waxay deganaayeen guri ay iyagu iska leeyihiin dhisme ku socdo” Qabyo” oo markii horre ahaa jiingad, haddase saddex qol oo ka mid ah waxaa laga dhigay Sar, welina gubuxsiga iyo dedaalka qoysku wuxuu u socdaa in la dhamaystiro guud ahaan guriga qabyada ah, waa qaab ka mid ah , qaab nololeedka bulshada Soomaaliyeed iyo sida ay u maareeyaan noloshooda, dadka liibaney ee garashada badan.

Guuleed wuxuu ka billaabay waxbarashada dugsiga H/ dhexe, Sare ee Kuwayt ee ku yaalay degmada dharkeynley, isagoo sidoo kale galab walbana aadi jirey dugsi quraan ku yaalay.Guuleed wuxuu ka mid ahaa ardeyda ugu firfircoon waxbarashada, barayaasha dugsiyada oo dhamina way ku boggaadin jireen dedaalkiisa, waxaana inta badan laga dhigan jirey tusaale, waayo, ma dhicin inuu weligiis, soo daaho, maqnaado,   cashar loo direy laga waayo, sidoo kalena uu falo arrin ay ka biyo diidaan, barrayaasha iyo maamulka dugsiyada.

Guuleed ilaa dugsiga hoose/Dhexe wuxuu ku dhamaystey Dugsiga kuweyt, haddaba dugsiga kuweyt oo dhammaan hannaankiisa waxbarasho ahaa Afka Carabiga, ayuu doorbiday isaga iyo Tawlkiisa markay ka arribsadeedn, inuu u wareego Dugsiga AL MAZAL ee ku yaalay degmada Waaberi ka soo horjeeda Dugsiga 21 Oktoober, oo ahaa isaguna ilaa Dugsi sare ahaa, halkaas oo ka billaabay Dugsiga sare,    wuxuuna ku doorbiday Dugsiga Al mazal, inuu hannaankiisa waxbarasho ahaa,   Kii dowladii hore ee Soomaaliya dejisay ee Afka Soomaaliga ahaa, balse lagu rogey” Turjumay” Afka Ingiriisida, marka laga reebo, Saddex Maaddo oo kala ahaa, Af Soomaaliga, Afka Carabiga iyo Tarbiyada islaamka.

Guuleed waxaa u dheera hawlmaalmeedkiisa inuu habeenkiina dhigan jirey, Dugsi gaar ah (Private) oo Afka Ingiriisiga lagu barto, taasoo uu meel fiican ka gaadhay, una fududeysay inuu waxbarashada kalena ku qaadan karo, Afkan Ingiriiska oo markaas loo arkayey inuu ka fursad badan yahay Afka carabiga, haddii hadhoow lagu shaqo tago.Waxay aheyd goor gebi ahaan dalka hannaankiisu is dhalanrogey mid maamul iyo mid waxbarasho, meel walba waxaa wax ka yabyabay dad is xilqaamay, hase yeeshee, waxaa guud ahaan lumay oo meesha ka baxay, adeegsiga iyo wax ku barista ubadka Afka Soomaaliga, taasoo ay qawadeen aqoonyahanadii Soomaaliyeed.

Waxaana loo aaneynayaa, isha keliya ee dhaqaale ee wax laga helayey waxay ahayd, ururada Samafalka iyo gargaarka oo qof walba sandule kaga dhigay inuu ku hadlo Afka Ingiriisiga, haddey Carab yihiina Afka Carabiga, waxaa kale iyaduna meesha ka maqnayn, in dhallinyaradii waagii horre wax ku baratay hannaankii Afka Soomaaliga ay kooxaha ganacsatada ahi ku dareen, kuwa aan waxba baran, kol haddi aanayba ku hadlay Af qalaad.

Guuleed wuxuu wax la qabaa dareenka bulshada oo markaas u arka isha keliya ee wax ku soo geli karaa siiyaalka iyo timaadada inay tahay, barashada Afka Ingiriisida iyo Afafka kale ee reer Galbeedka.

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La soco qaybaha dambe

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W/Q: Cabdiraxiin Hilowle Galayr

galayr1977@hotmail.com

galayr777@gmail.com

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Toronto | QOL | April 7, 2016 – Waxaa dhawaan magaalada Nairobi ay Gudiga Madaxa Banaan ee Dib u Eegista Dastuurka iyo Kan Baarlamaanka ee Arimaha Dastuurka  ka soo saareen  soo jeedinta wax ka bedelka Dastuurka oo dhawaan loo gudbin doono Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya.  Soo jeedintan ayaanan ilaa hada loo soo bandhigin dadka Soomaaliyeed qeybahooda kala duwan, sidaa daraadeed waxaa ila haboonaatay in aan dadka la wadaago kana dhiibto fikirkeyga.

Ilaa 10 Cutub ayaa hada la dhameystiray. Labadan Gudi ayaa qodobo badan ka bedelay eray bixinta, laa’ley qodobada qaarkood, ku daray qodobo cusub oo hor leh, ayadoo farqooyinka qaarkood loo rarey ama la hoos geeyey qodobo kale.

Markii aan dul maray soo jeedinta wax ka bedelka Dastuurka waxaa ii muuqatay in Gudigu ay xooga saareen in Dawlada Federaalka ay yeelato awoodo Dastuuri ah oo dhinaca awoodaha maamulka dalka ah, halka awoodaha Maamul Goboleedyada la yareeyay.

Marka aad fiiriso sida awoodaha maamulka loo qeybiyey waxaa kuu soo baxaya in nooca federaalka loo diyaarinayo Soomaaliya uu u eg yahay nooca loo yaqaano Administrative Federalism ayadoo wadamada qaarkoodna looga yaqaano Co-operative Federalism.  Waxaa la bedelayaa magaca loogu yeero madaxda Maamul Goboleedyada hada oo ah Madaxweyne loona bedelayaa Xaakim.

Soo jeedintan waxay u ogolaaneysaa Muqdisho iney yeelato Maamul Goboleed ay ayadu leedahay ahaatana caasimada dalka Soomaaliya.

Qodobka Jinsiyada waxaa lagu daray in ilmaha ay gabadha Soomaaliyeed ay u dhashay qof ajanabi ah ay qaadan karaan Jinsiyada Soomaalinimada.

Qodobada ugu muhiimsan uguna xasaasisan oo wax laga bedelay, wax lagu daray ama la laalay waxaa ka mid ah:

Qodobka 9 aad farqadiisa 1: magaalo madaxda Jamhuuriyada Federaalka Soomaaliya waa Muqdisho.

Fikirkeyga: Qodobkan horey ayuu u jirey walow maqaamka ay yeelaneyso Muqdisho uu su’aal ka taagnaa taasoo hada Qodobka 9 aad farqadiisa 2 aad oo hoos ku xusan lagu cadeeyey.

Qododbka 9 aad farqadiisa 2: magaalo madaxda federaalka oo Muqdisho ah waxay noqoneysaa Dawlad Goboleed.Qodbkan waa qodob cusub.

Fikirkeyga: Qodobkan waa qodobkii Xamar iyo Xamar Daye aad loogaga sugayey beryahan.

Qodobka 44 aad farqadiisa 1: kheyraadka dalka waa hanti qaran.

Fikirkeyga: Qodobkan sharci ahaan waa macquul hadii heshiis ay ku yihiin Soomaalida, ayadoo ay suurta gal tahay in Maamul Goboleedyada ay su’aal ka keenaan.  Inta badan kheyraadka wadamada federaalka  waxaa maamula gobolka uu ku jiro, Dawlada Federaalkana waxay ka qaadaa nooc canshuur ah oo loo yaqaano “royalty”.

Qodobka 46 aad farqadiisa 3: Dawlada Federaalka waa in ay xaqiijisaa in gobol kasta uu yeesho maamul dimoqoraadi ah.  Qodobkan waa mid cusub.

Fikirkeyga: Qodobkan waxaa loo fasiran karaa in ay Dawlada Federaalka dooneyso in ay hesho sharci ay ku farageliso ama ay ku maamusho sameynta Maamul Goboleedyo rasmi ah afarta sano ee soo socota.  Maamulada hada jira ma ahan kuwo rasmi ah ee waa ku meel gaar. Sharci ahaan dadka gobolka degan waa in ay yeeshaan awooda sameynta maamulkooda ayagoo aanan loo yeerineynin cida ay dooranayaan. Dawlada Federaalku waxay yeelan kartaa oo keliya kormeer ay ku xaqiijineyso in sharciga maamul u sameynta gobolada aanan la baal marin.

Qodobka 49 aad farqadiisa 5: xuduudaha dawladaha xubinta ka ah dawlada federaalka waxay ku saleysnaan doonaan xuduudihii goboladii jirey 1991. Qodobkan waa la’ laaley.

Fikirkeyga: Laa’lida qodobkan waxay keeneysaa ineysan jirin meel bar ah ama dhul cayiman oo wax laga bilaabo, muran badana keeni kara.  Qodobkan waxay ahayd inuu sidiisa u jiro inta Gudiga Xadadka iyo Federaaleynta ay kala kulmayaan dadweynaha gobolada iyo inta ay howshooda ka dhameynayaan.

Qodobka 49 aad farqadiisa 6: ugu yaraan labo gobol iyo ka badan ayaa ku midoobi kara Dawlad Goboleedyada, ayagoo xor u ah go’aan kooda. Qodobkan waa la’ laa’ley.

Fikirkeyga: Laa’lida qodobkan waxay keeneysaa in gobolo hada isla socda ay kala baxaan oo gobol, gobol ay isu taagaan taasoo sii kordhin doonto jahwareerka hada jira.  Ogsoonow gobolada hada isla socdaa sida Galmudug, Southwest, Jubbaland, iyo Puntland sharciyan ma’ahan Maamul Goboleedyo rasmi ah, walow Puntland ay wax yar ka duwan tahay kuwa kale.  Hadii qodobkan la’laalo kuwa hada wadajira ayaa kala bixi kara bacdamaa uusan jirin sharci xakameynaya.  Qodobkan waxay ahayd inuu sidiisa u jiro inta Maamul Goboleedyo rasmi ah laga sameynayo dalka oo dhan, Gudiga Xadadka iyo Federaaleyntana ay howshooda ka dhameystirayaan.

Qodobka 52 aad farqadiisa 2: magaca rasmiga ah ee madaxa Dawlad Goboleed ka wuxuu noqonayaa Xaakim. Qodbkan waa cusub yahay.

Fikirkeyga: Magac bixintan waa laga haboon yahay oo waxaa ka haboon Madaxa Maamul Goboleedka,ama Hogaamiyaha Maamul Goboleedka.

Qodobka 52 aad farqadiisa 3: sharci uu soo saaro Baarlamaanka Federaalka ayaa lagu dejinayaa habraacyada iyo arrimaha lagama maarmaanka u ah kulamada Madaxda Dawlad Goboleedyada iyo mas’uuliyiintooda. Qodobkan waa cusub yahay.

Fikirkeyga: Qodobkan waa qeyrul sharci marka aad nuxurkiisa fahanto sababtoo ah wuxuu xakameynayaa kulanka Madaxda Gobolada si ay fuliyaan hawlahooda shaqo, Dawlada Federaalkana siinaya in ay la socoto, dejisana, fasaxna siiso jadwalka kulanka Madaxda Gobolada.

Qodobka 53 aad farqadiisa 1: Dawlada Federaalka waa in ay kala tashataa Dawlad Goboleedyada wada xaajoodyada caalamiga ah.  Qodobkan waa la’ laa’ley.

Fikirkeyga: Wada xaajoodka Dawlada Federaalka iyo Maamul Goboleedyada waa muhiim lagamana maarmo waa hadii dalku uu federaal yahay.

Qodobka 55 aad farqadiisa 8: Dawlada Federaalka waxay horumarineysaa horumarka maamulka gaadiidka cirka, dhulka iyo wadooyinka gobolada dhexmara.

Fikirkeyga: Wadooyinka gobolada dhex mara ee wadamada federaalka waxaa inta badan maamula gobolada bacdamaa ay ayagu u dhow yihiin kuna dhex yaalaan.

Qodobka 55 aad farqadiisa 12: dejinta iyo hirgelinta jaangoynta siyaasada qaranka ee arimaha caafimaadka iyo waxbarashada waxaa awood loo siiyey Dawlada Federaalka.

Fikirkeyga: Badanaa waxbarshada iyo caafimaadka waxaa maamula gobolada.  Federaalku waxay ku leeyihiin in ay heshiisyada World Health Organization iyo UNESCO lala gelayo ay ayadu gasho ayadoo gobolada kala tashaneyso.

Qodobka 55 aad farqadiisa 14: Dawlada Federaalka waxay maamuleysaa webiyada iyo harooyinka isku xira Dawlad Goboleedyada.

Fikirkeyga: Shaqadan waxaa inta badan iska leh Dawlad Goboleedyada. Dawlada Federallka waxay xaq u leedahay in ay maareyso Badda Soomaaliya. Guud ahaan qodobka 55 aad iyo kuwa kaleba waxay balaarinayaan awoodaha Dawlada Federaalka.

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Tixgelin:

Aden Abdi Hire, Mississauga, Canada
hire01@yahoo.ca

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Somalia is a country battling with prolonged conflict and insecurity since its central government’s fall in 1991. The chief source of the insecurity is the activities of Al-Shabaab and organized crime.

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HORDHAC/GOGOL-DHIG    –  

Allaah ayey mahad oo idili usugnaatay, nabadgalyo iyo naxariisina Nabigeena Muxammad ah korkiisa Allaha yeelo.

Minnesota | QOL | April 15, 2016 – Fadlan lasoco meelaha ka midabka duwan qoraalka, waa Link-yo (Hyperlinks) qoraalka kulifaaqan, kuwaasoo lagusoo ururiyey baaritaanka (Research-ka) qoraalka lagu sameeyey, macluumaad dheeri ahna kusii siinaya, sida qoraallo iyo video-yo muhiim u ah qormadan.

Aqirtoow; habeenkii lagu dhaqaaway heshii-kusheegii Garowe, ee wixii uu Maamul-Beeleedka Puntland iska soowada qortey loogu xarxariiqay, ayaa isla maalinkii xigay taariikhduna ku beegneyd: April 4, 2016-kii waxaa shir-jaraa’id Garowe kuqabtey horjoogihii hore ee Maamul-Beeleedka Puntland: Mr. C/raxmaan Maxamed Maxmuud Faroole. Shirkaa jaraa’id wuxuu kushaaciyey in uu yahay musharrax utaagan qabashada jagada Madaxweynenimada Soomaaliya, ee doorashada dhacaysa 2016-ka. Xaqiiqdii inkastoo Faroole yahay Muwaadin Soomaaliyeed, oo xaq uleh in uu is sharaxo, hadana waa mid Allaah laga magangalo, mana aheyn nin wanaag iyo sumcad Soomaaliweyn kasii kasbaday, umana ekeyn nin mustaqbalka dhow wax xil ah udoonan doona, guud ahaan ummad weynta Soomaaliyeed, qaab-dhaqankiisii lawada ogaa darteed. Soomaaliduse waxeey tiraahdaa: “Indho adkaa, ma il Geel buu laqay!”. Waase iska aduunyo iyo xaalkeedee, waakan Ninkii Faroole ahaa iskeenay, horaase looyiri: “Illoowsho dhawaa, ma Umulbaa!”

Ogoow Faroolaha raba in uu Madaxweyne Soomaali oodhan uwadanoqodo, ee Villa Soomaaliya inta fariisto, ee raba in uu go’aanno kagaaro masiirka dhan ee ummadeena Soomaaliyeed, waa ninkii shalay markii Al-Shabaab kuxasuuqeen 25-muwaadiniin Soomaaliyeed ah hotel Makka Al-Mukarramah ee Muqdisho, taariikhdu markii eey ku beegneyd March27-keedii 2015-ka, kuwaasoo Soomaali oo dhan isugu jirey, waliba lahaa: Madax, aqoonyahanno, culimo, rag iyo dumar, ciidan iyo shacab, odayaal iyo dhalinyaraba, meeshuu inta dhimatey uwada tacsiyeyn lahaa, dhaawacana Allaha caafiyo dhihi lahaa, maalintaa murugada lehna tiiraanyada lawadaagi lahaa dhamaan ummadeena Soomaaliyeed, waakan inta nasiibdarro! Warbaahinta soofariistey, caqligiisa uu keenay, in uu meydadkii eey Al-Shabaab ummadeena Soomaaliyeed kalleeysay, uu qabyaalad ku kalasooco, waliba kaaga siidarane -illeyn ceeb looma dhintee! Uu nasiibdarro! Iyadoo waliba xaaladaa lagu jiro, isla soomutaxay in uu yiraahdo: “Muqdisho waxaa lagu ugaarsadaa [Micnaha Hawiye ku ugaarsadaa] dadka reer Puntland, waxaana ugu baaqayaa in eey isaga soobaxaan/sootagaan!”. Ogoow waxa hadalkaa kakeenaya, waa in uu dadkii Soomaaliyeed ee halkaa kuwada geeriyooday, uu kamid ahaa Allaha unaxariistee: Danjirihii/Safiirkii Soomaaliya ufadhiyey xafiiska xuquuqul insaanka ee Jimciyada Quruumaha Kadhexeeysa/Midoobey ee Geneva, Switzerland: Marxuum Yuusuf Maxamed Ismaaciil (Bari-Bari), oo ay Faroole isku beel ahaayeen. Subxaanallah!

Faroolaha raba in uu Madaxweyne Soomaali oo dhan uwada noqdo, waa ninka isugu daray raaf/qabqabasho, iyo in uu usameeyo kaarar cunsuriyadeed, ama kaarar Laaji/Ajnabi-Waa kuwa afka qalaad lagu dhoho: “Alien cards”-Walaalaha Soomaaliyeed ee kasoo qaxay koonfurta kalee Soomaaliya, ee kunool deegaannada hoostaga Maamul-beeleedka Puntland, Soomaalidaasoo ubadan marras Soomaaliyeed oo kasoo hayaamay gobollada Baay iyo Bakool! Waa ninkii caanka ku ahaa gadashada/lacag siisashada iyo ugacangalinta Itoobiya wiilasha iyo gabdhaba xuriyo-udirirka jabhadda ONLF-ta ah, ee Itoobiyaanka kasoo baxsada, ee Puntland Soomaalinimada naftooda ugula soo dhexdhuunta, si eey ugu badbaadaan, inkastoo uu mararka qaana iska dhigo nin “Beesha Guud” udooda.

Waa ninka intuu horjoogaha ka ahaa Maamul-Beeleedka Puntland muwaadiniin Soomaaliyeed oo Sacuudi Carabiya ay soo tarxiishay, oo dalkeeda ay kasoo eriday, una soo eriday dalkoodii hooyo ee Soomaaliyeed, markii diyaaradii siday eey Puntland kasoo dagatay, uu ku amrey intii beeshiisa iyo wixii “Reer Puntland” ahna ladajiyo, inta kalee Soomaaliweyn ahna diyaarada lagu wadaceliyo, oo aan Puntland lagu dajin karinba! Nasiibwanaag dadkaa Soomaaliyeed ee nasiibdarradaa eey dalkoodii hooyo kula dhacday, Faroolena uu sidaa uladhaqmay, waxaa sidiiran loogu soodhaweeyey caasimada 2-aad ee dalka, magaalada Hargeeysa, ee gobollada waqooyi ee “Somaliand” ee dalkeena Soomaaliya. Ogoow! Waxaa sidaa uu ula dhaqmayo Faroole oo masuul Soomaaliyeed sheeganayey, waa muwaadiniin Soomaaliyeed, oo dal Ajnabi ah laga soo eryey, dalkoodii hooyee Soomaaliya markii lakeenayna shaqsigaa mas’uliyada sheeganaya, -Maantana in uu Soomali oodhan Madaxweyne unoqdo damac uga jiro- uu sidaa ula dhaqmay. Waa taariikh ma guurto ah, qoranoo lama illaawaan ah. Nasiibdarose! Dadkeena Soomaaliyeed taariikhda micno sidaa usiibuuran uma sameeyso. Faroolana wuxuu kuxisaabtamayaa, sida caadadaba ah, in beesha uu kadhashay Siyaasiga Soomaaliyeed, eey aad uga muhiimsan tahay taariikhdiisa mugdiga ah.

Waxaa intaa kuusii dheer dukumiintiyadii sirta ahaa ee ay warbaahinta weyn ee caanka ah, ee sirarka caalamka faafisa, ee lagu magacaabo: Wikileaks.org ay kashaacisey Faroole, taariikhdu markii ay kubeegneyd 17-kii bishii April 2013-ka, taasoo kadhigneyd fadeexad qabyaaladeed, oo Faroole intaa an aqoon sifiican ubareeysey. Waxeey aheyd warbixin yaab badaneyd, oo ka marqaati kaceeysey heer-kulka qabyaaladeed ee Faroole. Danjirihii Mareykanka ee Soomaaliya ee xilligaa: Mr. James Swan oo dhambaallo diblomaasiyadeed (Cables) ugudbinayay dowladiisa, kadib la kullankiisii Faroole, oo dhowr mar ka kaladhacay magaalooyinka: Naiorbi, Addis-Ababa iyo Djibouti, ayaa wuxuu yiri: “Madaxweeynaha Puntland [Faroole] waxuu isiiyey darsi kudhawaad hal saac oo kullankeenii ahaa inaga qaatay, kaasoo uu iigu khudbeeyey taariikhda Harti Daarood iyo deegaanadooda.”. Warbixintu waxeey intaa kusiidartey Danjiraha oo leh: “Faroole wuxuu igu adkeeyey in Hawiyuhu eey aaminsan yihiin in xukumitaanka magaalada Muqdisho eey siineeyso xaq gaar ah, oo ah ineey xukumaan Soomaaliya oo idil. Wuxuu si caro/xanaaq leh inagu weydiiyay, “Yaa yiri magaala madaxda Soomaaliya waa inay Xamar noqataa!!!?”, Wuxuu Faroole intaa raaciyey, “Sidaa daraadeed reer Puntland waxeey doonayaan dowlad Soomaaliyeed oo aan mid dhexe aheyn, micnaha aan awood badan laheyn, oo ka mid ah nidaam Federaali ah”.

Aqristoow marka aad arkeeyso u ololeynta Federaal-kusheega/Fadaro-Aalka, iyo ereyada maldahan ee waxa dadka qaar ugu yeeraan: “Maqaamka Caasimada/Muqdisho” hadda mafahamtey hadafka, iyo qabyaalada isir naceybka ahe lakala dhaxlayo, ee ay salka ku heeyso?

Warbixintoo dheereeyd darteed, ereyadan kooban, oo inooga wadafilan Faroole, ayaa danjire: James Swan wuxuu kuyiri, “Ninkan Faroole ah kulamo waqti badan qaatey baan Naiorbi, Addis-Ababa iyo Djibouti kulagatay. Wuxuu waqtiga intiisa ugu badneyd iiga qaaday/dhameeyey Hawiyaa saan ah, iyo Daarood baa sidan ah. Waa nin Siyaasadiisuba aaneey soodhaafin 1991-dii, Qaab fikirkiisuna sidaa yahay!”.

Faroole waa ninkaa qabyaalad iyo “Reer Muqdisho” isir-naceeybkooda darteed ugu waashay Muqdisho dowladu kuma shaqeynkarto, 3-Million-nee reer Muqdisho wax xaq ah kuma yeelan karaan aqalka sare (The Senate), Xamar muuqaalkii caasimadeed malaha, caasimadda waa in laga raraa/badalaa. Sida kamuuqatana waxaa ka dhaadhacsan Faroole iyo “Inta kadhaxashay” mabda’a-qabyaaladeedkaa, in Xamar caasimada laga raro, Garowaha juffa-hoosaadkiisu dagaanna caasimada Soomaaliya looga dhigo! Weey kadagi la’dahay in Muqdisho caasimad aaneey reer gaar ahi kadhigin, reer gaar ahina kawareejin karin, oo Afti Soomaaliweyn ay Caasimadda qaranka kunoqotey, hadii laga badalayana aftidaa Soomaali weyn oo dhan ah uun looga badalikarayo, oo shaqsi ama “Hal reer” aaneey kabadali karin, waxkastoo dhaca!. Malaha haduu Madaxweyne Soomaali oo dhami unoqonlahaa, waa ninkaa sidaa qabyaalada ugu indha adage, maalinta 1-aad ayuu dhihi lahaa, anigu Garowe baan kushaqeynayaa, oo caasimadii dalka ah. Wagareey wagar!

Waxkalaba iska daa’e; Faroole waa ninka dhowr jeer kuhanjabay in hadii sidaa iyo sidaa aan layeelin, ay reer Puntland ka go’ayaan Soomaliya. Waxaa la dhihikaraa Faroole waa ninkii bilaabay guuxa kago’itaanka Soomaaliya, ee hadda kasoo yeerey Cabdiweli Gaas-kii la islahaa wuu ka aqoon roonyahay odeyga. Wuxuu Faroole wareeysi kusheegay in uu wadaxaajood lafurayo Soomaaliland, si eey iskala go’aan Soomaaliya. Nasiibwanaagse! Reer Soomaaliland ayaa jawaab kufilan siiyey, kadib markii gudoomihaha xisbiga Ucid, Injineer: Feeysal Cali Waraabe uu mar wareeysi lagu weeydiiyey arintaa, uu ugu jawaabay isagoo yiri, “Waxba yaanu Faroole isku kaaya nabin/dhajin, labadaa gobolee uu la ordayee, tunka uu kusito Soomaaliya beey waligeed kamid ahaayeen……….!”.Nin dalka in uu kala qeeybiyo eey kasuurtoowdo in uu yahay baan kabaranay!

Waxaa waxkasta kasiidaran, oo nasiibdarrada ugu weyn, ee taariikhda Faroole ugashay ah, in uu yahay ruuxii iskadaa isagoo mas’uuliyad sheeganaya’e, xitaa Muslimnimo sheeganaya in uu yiri: “Qur’aanku madhameeystirna, laakiin dastuurka Puntland waa dhameeystiran yahay!”. Subxaanallaah! Wuxuu nasiibdarro! Isagoo jeesjeesaya, kibraani awood isbidiyana ay kamuuqato tusaale usooqaatey oo yiri, “Qur’aanku ma sheegayo sida ay gawaaridu nalka (light-ka) u isticmaalaan, laakiin dastuurka Puntland weey kucadahay”.Xasbunallaah wanicmal wakiil.

GABAGABO/GUNAANAD

Waa yaabka yaabkiise! Shaqsiga heerkaa qabyaaladiisu gaarsiisan tahay, iyo waliba garashadiisa, dadnimadiisa, damiiskiisa Soomaalinimo, biseeylkiisa siyaasadeed, Diintiisa, iyo qaab fikirkiisaba, uu waliba sidaa uliito una uhooseeyo, miyaa raba in uu Madaxweyne inoo noqdo? Bal malee waxa kasuurtoobikara, mar hadii fursad uu uhelo in uu Soomaaliya Madaxweyne uwadanoqdo! Farooloo Madaxweyne Soomaaliya unoqda, baan Alloow kaa magangalnay. Wabillaahi Towfiiq.

“Run sheeg, waa ceeb sheeg!”

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Qoraa: C / Qaadir Maxamed Cismaan (Cabdiboqor)

Maamule-kuxigeenkii hore ee Kulliyada Maamulka

iyo Dhaqaalaha, isla Kulliyadaana Macallin ka ahaa.

Al-Madinah International University Abdulkadirphd@hotmail.com

Minnesota, USA.

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Community Policing can build trust in order to Prevent Violent Extremism   –  

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Qormadaan waxay kusoo baxday bogga Qaranimo Online – Monday 9 September 2013  

Toronto | QOL – Siyaasadda Noocyada cusub ee gumeysiga waxaa ka mid ah in laysaga kaa dhigo saaxiib daacad ah isla markaana hoos lagaa jalaafeeyo. In lagu kala qaybiyo oo qayb kasta si gooni ah loola heshiiyo. In ciidamo lagu dul-dhigo, ciidan qaran in aaad sameysatana laguu diido iyo arima kale oo badan.

Soomaaliyey hurdada ka tuusa,  qob moos ah ayaa laydiin tuuray, qabiil-qabiil iyo gobol-gobal ayaa laydiin qaybiyay oo layskugu kiin diray, adinka ayaa isku jeedaan,  dalkeenana meelaha qaarkood waa la qabsaday, oo kheyraadkiisii oo aan weli la soo saarin ayaa dabadhilifyo anaga naga mid ah iyo dowlada kale ayaa ku gorgortamayaan. Meelihii  kheeyraadku ku jiray  ayaa la qorsheynayaa in laga tirtiro oo laga gooyo Maabka Qarankeena.

SADAX SANO iyo dheerad ka dib, Madaxda dalka waxay ogaadeen in ay muhiim tahay in la dhiso CIIDAMO QARAN oo dhab ah. >>> AKHRI QORAALKAN >>> Madaxweyne Xasan “Macquul ma ahan in 10 san oo kale ay AMISOM sii joogto Soomaaliya”

Dowladaha qaarkood ayaa u soo tafaxeytay in ay qabsadaan meelaha hodanka ku ah khayraadka dhabiiciga ah ee dalkeena ee uu ku jiro shiidaalka(Badroolka) iyo khayraadka kale. Waxay  doonayaan in ay yareeyaan Soohdin-Badeedka  aan dowladaha caalamka la leenahay oo ah, ilaa 200 nootikal miles , ayaga oo doonaya in ay ka dhigaan 12 nootikal miles,taas oo u jeedadeedu ay tahay in ay qaataan inta shidaalka iyo kheyraadka kale ay ku jiraan, kadibna aan marti , shaqaale iyo madiidan u noqono ayaga.

Magaciin ha jiree  hurdada ka toosa, gacmaha is qabsada, midooba, dagaalada iyo cadaawada dhexdiina ah joojiya oo meel dheer  wax ka fiiriya.

Mee sharafteenii, mee magicii Soomaaliyeed ee aan ku faani jirnay, mee gabdhaheenii geesiyaasha,ahaa, halganka gobanimadoonka dalkeena horseedka ka ahaa, quruxda badnaa ee aan haybadooda, sharaftooda iyo hanaanka qalab-qaadka fiicnaa. Ma horteena  lagu kufsanayaa,ma horteena lagu gumaadaya, ma hub halis ah lagu duqeynaya ayada oo aan loo aaba yeelin, caruur, duumar,waayeel, dad iyo duunyo.

Ilaahey wuxuu na siiyay dhul  aad u weyeen oo ah 637 657 Km sq. iyo bad baaxad weyn oo ay ka buuxaan khayraad farabadan. Maxaad ku dagaalameysaan ? qof kasta meeshii uu doono ha dego, ha ka qoto beertiisa, oo haddii u doono ha ka kaluumeeysto.  Marka aan kheyraadka badeena iyo berigeena ku jira soo saarano, kuwa hadda doonaya in ay qasabsadaan dalkeena, anaga ayey noo shaqeen doonaan, martina noo noqondoonaan. Waxaan ku gaari karnaa  midnimo iyo is jaceel.

Waxaan qaybtii hore ku sheegay in Ciidamada Qaranku ay yihiin lafdhabarka qaranka, la’antoodna aysan suurta gal ahayn in aan noqono sida dowladaha caalamka oo kale  oo leh ciidan suga amaanka dalkooda  kana difaaca cadawga debada iyo gudahaba.

Waxaan mararka qaarkood maqalnaa, intaa oo tira ciidan Soomaali ah ayaa tabar loo xiray.Sida aan  qaybtii koobaad ku sheegay sida caadiga ah tabarka ciidamadu waa sedax heer, maadaama ay nasaarantahay cunaqabateenta hubka iyo technikada dagaalka suurta gal ma aha ciidamadeenu in ay qaataan tababarka heerka koobaad qaar ka mid ah xataa.

Ciidamadu hadii ay san laheen tababar isku dheelitiran oo dhan lasta ah isla markaana aysan heysan hub u suurtagelin kara fulinta iyo gacansareenta  noocyada dagaalka (difaac ama weerar) ma lagu tilmaami karo ciidan qaran oo diyaar u ah diffaaca qaranka.

Marka aan ka hadlo AMISOM, si  aad ah ayey u mahadsanyihiin, gurmadka ay noo soo gurmadeen iyo dadaalka ay ku dadaaleen in ay sugaan nabadgelyada Caasimada dalkeena Mogadishou iyo degmooyin kale.  Haddi aysan jirilaheena  xaalada nabadgelya-la’antu inta ay hadda tahay waa ka darnaan laheed.

AMISOM waxay nacaawineysay 2007 – hadda,askar badan ayaan uga dhimatay diffaaca iyo nabadeenta dalkeena iyo dadkeena, wax la iloobi karana ma aha, taariikhda ayaana sheegi doonta gargaarkooda Bini Aadannimo.

Marka aan dhanka kale ka fiirino AMISOM balanqaadkeedii waxaa ka mid ahaa in ay noo tababaridoonaan ciidan qaran kadibna ay xilka ku wareejin doonaan, wadamadii ay ka yimaadeena ay ku noqondoonaan. Wax waqti ah oo joogitaankooda loo qabtay ma jirto, mar kastana  waa loo cusbooneysiiya mudada joogitaankooda, tiradoodana wa la soo badiyaa. Sida daacadnimadu ku jirto waxaa loo baahnaa in sanadkasta tiradooda la yareeyo laguna bedelo ururo ama guutooyin ka tirsan ciidankeena, taasi ma dhici karto  sababta oo ah ma heysano ciidamadii ay xilka ku wareejilahayeen oo  ay balanqaadeen in ay diyaariyaan.

Anagu hadii aan soomaali nahay waxaan ka mid nahay dowladaha Afrika ee haysta Saraakiisha ugu aqoonta badan xaga tababarka ciidamada iyo aqoonta xirfadaha kala duwan ee noocyada ciidamada, laakiin waxaan u baahanahay, hubkii  iyo technikadii dagaalka ee lasiin laha ciidamada, si loogu tababaro.

Ciidamada AMISOM –na  ayaga oo mahadsan ayey  dalalkioodii dib ugu laabanlahaayeen, haddii kale abidkood ayey dalkeena joogi doonaan.

Haddii aan tusaale u soo qaato 1960Kii markii aan xurnimada qaadanay , oo dawldihii Talyaaniga iyo Engriisku dalkeena ka bexeen, waxay  ka tageen ciidama tabaran kuna qalabeysan hub iyo technika dagaal oo la jaan qaadi karta ciidamada dowladaha deriska ah, kuna  filan ka difaaca dalka cadawga dibada iyo gudaha. Isla markaana sugi kara nabadgelyada Goblada iyo degmaayinka dalkeena.

Hadda AMISOM oo ka kooban dowlado Africaan ah oo aan walaalo iyo saaxiiba nahay.

Meeqa sano ayey joogaan? Maxaa ciidan ah oo ayga bedeli karo oo ay noo tababareen?

Goorma  laga maarmayaa oo ay dalkeena ka baxayaan?

F .G.: Ilama aha in laga maarmayo AMISOM in ay ka baxaan dalkeena inta aan ka yeelaneyno  Ciidan qaran oo ku hubeysn hub  no suurtagelin kara sugida amaanka qaranka .

Waxaa xusid mudan sida walaalnimada ah ee ay Dowlada Turkia, shacabka turkia ay noogu fidiyeen gargaar  walaalnimo, sida qoos kasta oo turki ahi  uu  masaariiftii qooskiisa  qayb ka mid ah ugu deeqay maatada Soomaaliyeed ee walaalohood ah. Waxaa shacabka Soomaaliyeed aad ugu faraxsanyahay,sida ay iskugu taxalujiyeen in ay afka u geliyaan, ku quudiyaan kuna hubsadaan deeqda ay bixiaayaan maatada Soomaaliyeed ee macluusha iy gaajada u dhimaneysa. Waxay isku taxalujiyeen in ay dhisaan isbitaalo, dugsiyo wax barasho. Dadka qaxootiga aah waxay u fureen tababaro ay ku barayaan xirfado ay ku shaqeysankaaraan nolol maalmoodkooda. waxaa la yiraa ninka rootiga ku siiya iyo kan ku bara sida loo sameeyo, waxaa kuu fiican kan ku bara.   Waxay turkia u qaadeen arday badan oo Soomali ah oo soo baranayo xirfaado kala duwn, kuwaas oo qaarkood soo dhameen rabaan.

Waxay deeqa tababar ciidan u fidiyeen Saraakiil, L/saraakiil oo ay doonayaan markii ay tababarka soo dhameystaan in ay dhismaha iyo tababarka ciidamadeena ka qayqaataan.

Waa jiraan dowlada kale oo dhaqaale aad u badan Soomaaliya ku bixiay, laakiin meel ay ka baxday lama yaqaaan, dadka kama muuqato dalkana kama muuqato inteeda badan. Sanad kasta waxaa la yiraahdaa waa la xaday. Cid weli maxkamad la soo taagana ma jirto.

Balanteenu waa halgan, Midnimo iyo Guul, Wa bilaahi toowfiiq –  Nabadgelyo

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By: Col.  Mohamed Farah Ali (Aliyow)

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Waa ereyadii HOOYO Somaaliyeed, Hooyo nimaad dhashay kuma dhalin, Caruurtii waa la celin la’yahay, mar walba waxay lee dahay Yaa itusa maydkiisa.!!!

Muqdisho | QOL | April 25, 2016 – Aqristow waa Muqdisho, waa goor subax ah abaarahii 8:30 kii Subaxnimo, waxaa is bariidiyey laba Hooyo oo kuwada nool hal Xaafad, waxaa la is waydiiyey Hoyaadkii xalay siduu ahaa iyo sida loo waa bariistay, waxay isu sheegeen in ay si nabad ah ku waa bariisteen.

Waxaa la is waydiiyey Xaalka ay ku sugan tahay, Hooyo ay isla yaqanaan oo wiilkeeda ku DHINTAY Donyihii lagu ba’bay, labadan dumar mi ka mid ah ayaa tiri “Hebla shalay galab ayaan soo booqday, weli aad ayey u Murugaysan tahay oo inta badan sariirta kama soo kacdo, waxna ma cunto oo cabitaan ayaa lagu qasbaa, mar kastana waxay lee dahay yaa itusa MAYDKIISA”, waa Murugo aan la qiyaasi Karin, Wiil loo diray in uu wax soo barto oo tahriib aday, hadana ku dhintay Badaas waa NAXDIN, sidee la yeelayaa walaal “nimaad dhashay kuma dhalin”!!!

Labadii Hoyo mid ka mid ayaa tiri “aniga hada waxaan celin la’ahay mid yar oo ay dhashay Gabadhayda, waxaan ka kari la’nahay in uu sii wato waxabarashadiisa, maalin kastana wuxuu noo keenaa sheeko cusub uu lee yahay, waxaa la ii sheegay layn si sahlan loogu bixi karo, marka wax aan samayno manaqaan.

Hadii manta ay jiri lahayd meel wanaagsan oo lagu DHAQANCELIYO dhalainyarada WALAAHI waan gayn lahaa, waa nasiib DARRO waddan aan lahayn dad ku caawiyo iyo DOWLAD ku caawiso midna, Alaa iska Aamus walaal, kuwa dowlada noo ah iyagaa maalin kasta isku dhagan, mar walbana GATA ISKOLARSHIBKA caruurta loogu tala galay.!!!

War iyo dhamaan waxaa Calool xumo iyo Ciil ah in aysan jirin Barnaamijyo loogu tala galay in dhalinyarada looga badbaadiyo Tahriibka iyo Niyad jabka ay ka qabaan dalkooda, mana jiraan ilaa iyo hada dadaalo ku wajahan sidii loo bad baadin lahaa dhalinyarada weli ku mashquulsan sidii ay ku bixi lahaayeen.

Waalidiinta waxay ku jiraan Mar xalad aan la qiyaasi Karin oo wal wal iyo walaac badan, waayo Caruurtii ay dhaleen ma celin karaan, waxaana sabab u ah Muqalisiin aan lahayn ARXAN oo caruurta mar walba u sheega Layman Sahlan oo lagu bixi karo.

Ugu dambayn Dowladu waa in ay gelisaa dadaal badan sidii lagu abuuri lahaa barnaamijyo shaqo abuur ah oo wax tar u leh dhalinyarada iyo sidii wax looga qaban lahaa Muqalisiinta marin habaabisa Caruurta, iyagoo fiirsanaya Qarashka ay ka qaataan dhalinyarada, dhalinta waa in loo helaa Xarumo CASRI ah oo lagu DHAQANCELIYO kuwii Maqli waaya waalidiinta warkooda.

Waa in sitoos ah wax looga qabto SAXAAFADAHA sida qaldan u waraysanaya dhalinyarada ku nool QURBAHA, mar walbana waxay waydiiyaan Su’aalo aan ku haboonayn mar xalada taagan waqtigaas.

Waxaan Qormo kale ku soo qaadan doonaa, hadii Alla idmo, Suxufiyiinta iyo Saxaafadaha sida qaldan uga qayb qaata marin habaabinta dhalinyarada.

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Qaranimo Online | Muqdisho

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by Ibrahim Hirsi

The teenage experience can be an emotional roller coaster for many young people navigating through complex life choices as they transition to adulthood and establish an identity.

But for many American-born teens with immigrant parents, the challenges are even more pronounced in their day-to-day experiences, as their parents tend to reinforce lifestyle and religious practices that are foreign to their children.

That pressure often invites a cultural clash between parents and their teens — many of them feeling torn between two very different worlds: a conservative Muslim community and a secular American society.

For years, emerging Somali-American visual storytellers Muna Malik and Khadija Charif have been taking notes on how their friends have dealt with identity issues and the struggle of living at home in one culture, while attending school in a completely different culture.

The pair eventually turned their notes into two photography projects exploring one story: the experience of Minnesota teenagers and their struggle to balance different cultures. The joint exhibition will open Wednesday afternoon at the University of Minnesota’s Humphrey School of Public Affairs.

Malik, born in Yemen and raised in Minneapolis, created “Behind Both Fences,” a project featuring four Somali-American and Sudanese teens who came of age in the Twin Cities.

Charif’s “Jaded Youth” exhibit features four local Somali-American and Ethiopian college students to shed light — as Charif noted — on “the beauty of what it means to be an immigrant, although it’s jaded and it’s hard trying to balance both our cultural life with our life here.”

‘Behind Both Fences’

Malik’s “Behind Both Fences” has a nuanced and profound representation, which comments on the experiences of immigrants in the United States — and other parts of the world.

“The fences represent the physical barriers of being an immigrant and how a lot of the times you have to cross all these metaphorical or physical fences in order to be a part of whichever nation you live in,” she said. “At the same time there are mental fences, mental barriers that you’re creating for yourself.”

Courtesy of Muna Malik

Muna Malik: “A lot of the kids that I interviewed and photographed are going through an identity crisis, but also trying to figure out how to blend their cultures.”

The University of Minnesota neuroscience and psychology senior also noted that many immigrants chose to stay on one side of the fence, while others occupy the other. In other words, some want to remain true to their inherited culture and religion; others submit themselves to the American culture, leaving their own values behind.

However, Malik noted that many second-generation East African teens want to embrace the two cultures without sacrificing one for another.

‘Clashing values’

These teens, however, are facing intense pressure from a society that often puts them in a box with one ethnic group or another. “Identity is one of those things that you don’t always have control over,” Malik noted. “These teens don’t necessarily have control over how others view them.”

Teen Muslims in the U.S. are becoming increasingly conscious of what they wear and how they wear their clothes, said Malik, who features a boy in two different dressing styles: One day, he’s dressed in a robe with a turban on his head for Friday prayers; the other day, he’s wearing jeans and a snapback hat.

His Muslim community views him differently based on his clothing: On his way to the mosque on Friday, for example, he receives positive comments “like this kid that has got everything working for him,” Malik explained. On the day he wears the hat, he receives long stares.

That’s because, generally, the way people dress makes a statement about their characters in the tight-knit community. For example, women who don’t wear the headscarf are seen as if they have abandoned their religion and culture — and are often disparaged, especially by the older generation. The same goes for men wearing hats and shorts, clothes that are often seen as being related to gangs and drug dealers.

But for thousands of American Muslim youngsters, these unwritten rules are completely irrelevant. Instead, they’re turning to Hollywood celebrities and street fashion for the latest design trends, outfit ideas and hairstyles.

“A lot of the kids that I interviewed and photographed are going through an identity crisis, but also trying to figure out how to blend their cultures,” said Malik. “It’s about Muslim teenagers in a country that has a lot of clashing values.”

‘Jaded Youth’

Charif, the creator of the “Jaded Youth” project, isn’t a stranger to the plight of the teenage experiences she documents today. Born in Kenya, Charif lived in Belgium as an immigrant for nine years before she relocated to the United States in 2005.

The story of these teens is also her story. At some point in her life, Charif struggled with identity and longed for acceptance. So the idea to pursue the project came to her after witnessing many Somali-American teens who also struggled to find acceptance in both cultures.

One of the teens Charif features in the project is Zaiban Mohamed, a U.S.-born girl who faced difficulties keeping her Somali and American cultures intact.

“Her story is amazing,” Charif said of Mohamed. “She finally learned the Somali culture and found a way to bring awareness to other people who are not Somalis to understand what it’s like to be a Somali in the U.S.”

Bridging the cultural gap

Malik and Charif hope the project will spark conversations about identity and bridge the gap between first-generation immigrants and their American children.

Malik noted that in her research for the project, she found that teens want to maintain their language and culture, while also adopting the American lifestyle. But in some cases, she added, that adoption means losing a part of their traditional culture.

And that’s where the conflict begins to brew.

“For my parents, me adopting means that I’m taking away part of me,” Malik said. “And for everyone else, it’s immigrants coming here, and they get used to the culture and they adopt it and that’s how you become an American — by losing a part of you, by blending into the culture.”

She added: “I think that’s hard for different generations. The older generation always feels that [adoption] is a negative thing. But I’m finding that teens are finding a way to make both of them work.”

Both Malik and Charif, who use photography for social change, said the goal of their art is partly to raise awareness and create connections across generational differences and language barriers.

That gap exists not only between the older and younger generations of Muslim immigrants, but also between traditional Americans and new immigrants from Africa, Asia, Latin America and other parts of the world.

“I think the photographs are going to shed light a little bit more on being human and like the human experience regardless of where you’re from,” Malik noted. “I want to get rid of those barriers that people place between them and show experience more than anything.”

Charif hopes her “Jaded Youth” project will combat misconceptions between the older and younger generations of immigrants and will spark conversations among them.

“What I want to highlight is that the older generation is not trying to accept the differences,” she said. “I want them to realize that we cannot thrive without understanding our differences. We should all stick together hand in hand … so we can thrive.”

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